Jul 02 2020

In memory of Neil Davidson: The West – No Better Than All the Rest

 Allan Armstrong was reading  How the West Came to Rule – The geopolitical origins of capitalism, by How the West Came to Rule – The geopolitical origins of capitalism by Alexander Anievas and Kerem Nisancioglum, as he learned of the tragic death of Neil Davidson. This book was influenced by Neil’s work on Uneven and Combined Development at a world scale.

Allan has engaged in several debates with Neil about how Socialists can address Scottish history. He decided to write a review of Anievas and Nisancioglum’s book, and look at  aspects of British and Scottish history, through the lens they provide.

Allan  sent this review to Conter. He thought that the second  issue of the magazine would be well served if it had a number of articles  in Neil’s memory. However, the Covid-19 crisis has delayed this issue.

 

THE WEST – NO BETTER THAN ALL THE REST

 

Challenging Eurocentric views of the world

I was reading How the West Came to Rule (HtWctR) when I learned of the death of Neil Davidson. Neil is acknowledged by the book’s authors, Alexander Anievas and Kerem Nisancioglu, as one of their inspirers.[1] HtWctR places the Uneven and Combined Development Theory (UCDT) at the centre of its analysis, referencing Neil in doing so.[2] Neil had been making a major contribution to reviving and applying this theory to global history. This led to the conference entitled ‘Uneven and Combined Development for the 21st Century’ held in Glasgow between the 5-7th September 2019. Anievas addressed this conference, albeit on another topic than HtWctR.[3] Although this conference placed historical development in Scotland under the UCDT spotlight, its contributors also examined historical developments over a far wider arena. HtWctR addresses these developments at the global level and represents the most ambitious attempt I have read to utilise UCDT both historically and geographically, whilst also drawing upon other theories. Continue reading “In memory of Neil Davidson: The West – No Better Than All the Rest”

Tags: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , ,


May 11 2020

INTERNATIONALISM FROM BELOW, Volume 4, part A

Allan Armstrong is in the process of writing Volume Four of the Internationalism from Below series. This volume is entitled, Communists, nation-states and nationalism during the 1916-21/3 International Revolutionary Wave’.

Due to the Coronavirus lockdown, Allan has not been able to complete the research to finish this. However, the part which deals with the situation in Latvia, Finland and Ukraine, between the February 1917 Revolution and the Treaty of Brest Litovsk in March in 1918, has been finished.  This begins with an examination of the role of Social Democrats, including the Leninist wing of the Bolsheviks and the Radical Left in addressing the ‘National Question’. It also outlines the beginnings of a renewed ‘Internationalism from Below’ approach, which was later to develop in Ukraine.

This part of Book Four can be accessed at:-

https://allanarmstrong831930095.files.wordpress.com/2020/05/internationalism-from-below-book-4a-3.pdf

This E&L website will give notice when the full book is available. Continue reading “INTERNATIONALISM FROM BELOW, Volume 4, part A”

Tags: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , ,


Apr 18 2020

INTERNATIONALISM FROM BELOW – Volume 3

Allan Armstrong has completed the third volume of his book – Internationalism from Below: Reclaiming a communist tradition to challenge the nation-state and capitalist empire. This volume is titled, Revolutionary Social Democracy, Nation-States and Nationalism in the Age of High Imperialism and the Second International (1889-1916). It can be read online at:-

https://allanarmstrong831930095.files.wordpress.com/2020/05/internationalism-from-below-book-3doc-1.pdf

Most of the theories the Left uses today to address the ‘National Question’ have their origins in the period of High Imperialism leading up to the First World War and the outbreak of the 1916-21/3 International Revolutionary Wave. These theories are linked to the names of Kaul Kautsky, Otto Bauer, Rosa Luxemburg, Vladimir Lenin and Josef Stalin. All emerged in the context of a Second International struggling with the impact of High Imperialism and the growing threats of war.  The authors  of these theories sometimes competed over their claims to provide  an orthodox Marxist underpinning for their approach to the ‘National Question’. However, during this period an ‘Internationalism from Below’ trend also emerged. It was less concerned with being orthodox, but analysed the latest developments in the formation of nations and nation-states from the perspective of revolutionary Social Democrats living in oppressed nations. These writers and activists included James Connolly in Ireland, Kazimierz Kelles-Kreuz in Poland and Lev Iurkevich in Ukraine. Their theories were to be tested in the 1916-21/3 International Revolutionary Wave, which forms the subject of Volume 4. Continue reading “INTERNATIONALISM FROM BELOW – Volume 3”

Tags: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , ,


Feb 27 2020

COMPETING STRATEGIES IN THE FACE OF THE BREAK-UP OF THE UK AND THE CASE FOR A SOCIALIST REPUBLICAN ‘INTERNATIONALISM FROM BELOW’ ALLIANCE

Allan Armstrong has added an addendum to his book From Pre-Brit to Ex-Brit   (https://allanarmstrong831930095.files.wordpress.com/2020/06/socialists-and-december-12th-election.pdffollowing the December 12th UK and February 8th Irish general elections.

 

COMPETING STRATEGIES IN THE FACE OF THE BREAK-UP OF THE UK AND THE CASE FOR A SOCIALIST REPUBLICAN ‘INTERNATIONALISM FROM BELOW’ ALLIANCE

 

 

 

 

Although Johnson gained an overall Right Populist electoral victory in the UK on December 12th, this disguises the fact that in Scotland the constitutional nationalist SNP emerged as the electoral victor, pushing the Tories and Scottish Labour into retreat. In Wales, the still largely liberal unionist, Welsh Labour and the constitutional nationalist, Plaid Cymru retained an overall majority, but the Tories made substantial gains. In Northern Ireland, the reactionary unionist DUP lost its overall majority, giving a tentative constitutional nationalist (Sinn Fein and SDLP) and liberal unionist (APNI) alliance a majority. Furthermore, there are wider national democratic movements in Scotland, Wales and Ireland/Northern Ireland, which will be prepared to challenge Johnson’s reactionary unionist clampdown. This is a recipe for continued constitutional crisis, with Scotland in the front line at present. Continue reading “COMPETING STRATEGIES IN THE FACE OF THE BREAK-UP OF THE UK AND THE CASE FOR A SOCIALIST REPUBLICAN ‘INTERNATIONALISM FROM BELOW’ ALLIANCE”

Tags: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , ,


Feb 09 2020

PEAT AND DIESEL AT THE BARROWLANDS

Allan Armstrong reviews Peat and Diesel playing at Glasgow’s Barrowlands on 25.1.20

 

PEAT AND DIESEL AT THE BARROWLANDS

 

 

As a fan of traditional and folk rock music since the 1960s, I have had some great nights out. But straight into my top 5 would be Peat and Diesel performing at Glasgow’s Barrowlands on 25th January. Peat and Diesel is a three-piece band from Stornoway. They feature fisherman, Callum ‘Boydie’ MacLeod, guitarist and vocalist; electrician, Innes Scott, accordion player; and delivery driver, Uilleam ‘Uilly’ MacLeod on drums. They produce a very full sound for a three-piece band – think Runrig meets the Pogues!

With my partner, Myra, we only first heard of the group, seeing them perform on BBC Alba this Hogmanay. It reminded us of a similar experience, when we saw the Pogues on TV in the 1980s. Our friend, Calum, described the Pogues at the time as the Dubliners meets the Sex Pistols. Myra immediately began googling to see if Peat and Diesel were performing anywhere. As it turned out they had a whole series of gigs, starting with the Barrowlands (part of Celtic Connections), covering Scotland, Ireland and England, before finishing there again here on November 27th. But both the Barrowlands and many other events were already sold out! Continue reading “PEAT AND DIESEL AT THE BARROWLANDS”

Tags: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , ,


Feb 04 2020

FROM ILLUSIONS IN A LEXIT BREXIT TO A DISILLUSIONED LEXIT FROM BREXIT POLITICS – THE DECEMBER 12th GENERAL ELECTION AND INDEPENDENT SOCIALISTS ACROSS THESE ISLANDS

Allan Armstrong has published an article entitled From Illusions in a Lexit Brexit to a Disillusioned Lexit from Brexit Politics (https://allanarmstrong831930095.files.wordpress.com/2020/06/socialists-and-december-12th-election.pdf)  The contents of this book are shown below, followed by the last two chapters and conclusion. This  article follows The Impact of the December 12th General Election across the Constituent Parts of the UK. (http://republicancommunist.org/blog/2020/01/24/the-impact-of-the-december-12th-general-election-across-the-constituent-parts-of-the-uk/)

__________________

FROM ILLUSIONS IN A LEXIT BREXIT TO A DISILLUSIONED LEXIT FROM BREXIT POLITICS 

 

 

Telegraph backs Lexiters’ ‘revolution’ and ‘Peoples Brexit!

 

Contents

a)  The 2015 general election provided a warning

b)  After 2015 – an increasingly floundering Left

c)  Northern Ireland – a different pattern

d)  Reactionary unionism and Europhobic opposition to the EU

e)  The largest independent Socialist parties walk into the Brexit trap

f)  The official Remain and Leave campaigns – two wings of the British ruling class

g)  The Lexiters’ false arguments

h)  The political options open in the run-up to the 2016 EU referendum

i)  From 23rd May, 2016 to 8th June, 2017 – A victory for the Left or the Right?

j)  ‘Independent’ Socialists and ‘Oh Jeremy Corbyn’!

k)  Corbyn and the ‘independent’ Socialists unwittingly help Boris Johnson to victory

l)  Independent socialists after the December 12th general election

m) Independent socialists in Scotland and Northern Ireland/Ireland

n) Conclusion

______________________

 

THE DECEMBER 12th GENERAL ELECTION AND INDEPENDENT SOCIALISTS ACROSS THESE ISLANDS

 

1. Independent socialists after the December 12th general election

On December 12th, Labour’s vote share fell by 7.8% and its number of MPs decreased from 262 to 202. The Tories’ vote share rose 1.2%, but its number of MPs increased from 317 to 365. The gap in the vote share was 11.4%, 32.2% for Labour and 43.6% for the Tories.[1] Not surprisingly a shattered Jeremy Corbyn offered his resignation, opening up the prospect of a new leadership campaign. Continue reading “FROM ILLUSIONS IN A LEXIT BREXIT TO A DISILLUSIONED LEXIT FROM BREXIT POLITICS – THE DECEMBER 12th GENERAL ELECTION AND INDEPENDENT SOCIALISTS ACROSS THESE ISLANDS”

Tags: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , ,


Jan 24 2020

THE IMPACT OF THE DECEMBER 12TH GENERAL ELECTION ACROSS THE CONSTITUENT PARTS OF THE UK

Allan Armstrong follows up his article, The Continued Rise of Right National Populism and Reactionary Unionism in the Run-up to the December 12th General Election (http://republicancommunist.org/blog/2019/12/09/the-continued-rise-of-right-populism-and-reactionary-unionism/). He examines the impact of the general election results across the constituent parts of the UK and the prospects for the immediate future. 

 

THE IMPACT OF THE DECEMBER 12th GENERAL ELECTION ACROSS THE CONSTITUENT PARTS OF THE UK

 

 

a)    The three possible outcomes of the December 12th Westminster general election

b)    How Corbyn’s Left social democracy, its complicity in British chauvinism and racism and its support for the UK state helped to pave the way for Johnson

c)    Other factors undermining the Corbynista challenge to Johnson

d)    The election results in England

e)    The election results in Wales

f)     The election results in Scotland

g)    The election results in Northern Ireland

h)    Conclusion

_________________

  Continue reading “THE IMPACT OF THE DECEMBER 12TH GENERAL ELECTION ACROSS THE CONSTITUENT PARTS OF THE UK”

Tags: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , ,


Jan 10 2020

FROM PRE-BRIT TO EX-BRIT – The Forging and the Break-up of the UK and Britishness

 Allan Armstrong’s new book From Pre-Brit to Ex-Brit – The Forging and the Break-up of the UK and Britishness is now available online at:- 

(https://allanarmstrong831930095.files.wordpress.com/2020/05/from-pre-brit-to-ex-brit-1-4.pdf)

 (Originally posted on 10.1.19, has been updated following the December 12th UK and February 8th Irish general elections_

Below is the Introduction with an outline if the book followed by a table of Contents

 

FROM PRE-BRIT TO EX-BRIT

The Forging and the Break-up of the UK and Britishness

 

An outline of the book

This book begins by showing how the United Kingdom was created, sustained itself through Union, Empire and Monarchy, and how it began to first fall apart between 1916-21. And to understand the rise and decline of the UK and its associated British Empire it is necessary to go further back in history than the late nineteenth century. Indeed it is necessary to go further back than  1801, or even 1707, the two key dates by which the constitutional monarchist and imperial Union came into being.

A long-term historical perspective is necessary because Right, Centre and Left British Unionists have concocted their own histories to buttress continued support for the UK and Britishness. Their writings often go back to a dim and distant past to outline a historical continuity and inevitability that cannot be justified by events.  Other Nationalist historians – Irish, Scottish or Welsh – usually confine their attentions to the relationship of their particular nation with the UK, or just with England. This book looks at historical developments throughout these islands, and where relevant beyond.

Part One of this book goes back to the ‘Pre-Brit’ in the title. This refers to the period following the collapse of the Roman Empire in the West. Roman Britannia did not cover all the geographical territory of what later became Great Britain and never reached Hibernia. The ending of the old Roman Empire was followed by a lengthy period when the states of England or Scotland, or any aspiring states covering the whole of what became Wales or Ireland, did not exist. Englalonde and Alba as develop as early states, albeit with changing territorial extents. However,  neither Eireann or Cymru were able to develop or sustain united states. Whether later as England, Scotland, Ireland or Wales, it took much longer for nations, socially and politically encompassing the majority of people living within them, to emerge, within the earlier states or within the United Kingdom.

Part Two of this book highlights the significance of the United Kingdom becoming a specifically unionist state from 1707, reinforced in 1801. This led to the development  of Scottish-British, Irish-British (and later ‘Ulster’-British and Northern Irish British) and Welsh-British nations and identities. A greater ambiguity remained about the nature of England’s relationship with the UK, and consequently about English identities.

The successful promotion of these hybrid British identities was very much linked with the rise of the British Empire. Other dynastic states, inclsuing France, had ruled over territories as diverse as the Two or Three Kingdoms ruled over by successive Norman-French, English and British dynasties. But like France they mostly later became unitary not unionsts states. After the French Revolution, Bretagne and Acquitiane were broken up; but afer the 1707 and 1801 Acts of Union, the Scottish and Irish nations further developed within the unionist state and British Empire.

The unionist nature of the UK has often contributed to the confusion over the distinction between nations and regions in these islands. Indeed, one particular strand of British unionist thinking denies the existence of nations within Great Britain, seeing only Scottish and Welsh regions, along with a number of English regions. This book looks at the development of regions on an administrative or cultural basis. It examines the role that specific Regionalisms have played in buttressing the UK, especially in liberal, radical and Left Unionist thinking.

This book also examines the impact of migrations, especially those more recent movements of people seeking work and better lives, and those fleeing repression. In modern times, this has led to the creation of a number of multi-ethnic urban communities, which also have a distinctive relationship to the UK state. The UK state’s close involvement with the British Empire, and its more recent membership of the EEC/EU, have made the issue of migrants and their relationship to nation and state a major political issue.

Most of all, this book adopts an ‘internationalism from below’ perspective. It examines the struggles of the ‘lower orders’ in different historical contexts to show how they shaped the creation of the nations (and later part nation – Northern Ireland) making up the UK state. It also highlights the periods associated with particular International Revolutionary Waves, when challenges were made, which looked beyond the continuing existence of the UK state. This is becoming ever more relevant today.

Parts Three, Four and Five of this book deal with the prolonged lead-up to the 1916-21/3 International Revolutionary Wave, its crescendo between 1917-19, and its ebbing from 1920, until its ending in 1923. James Connolly was a major contributor to this. His role in buildling a Socialist Republican-led, Syndicalist and Women’s Suffrage ‘internationalism from below’ alliance, which played a mjor party ub the 1916 Easter Rising in Dublin, is examined.

Eventually this Republican challenge was contained, as the International Revolutionary Wave, which it had triggered, ebbed in 1921. However, twenty-six counties of Ireland were still able to break free from the UK state. These events signalled, right in the heartland of the British Union, that the UK state and British Empire’s days were numbered. The Irish War of Independence provided an inspiration to anti-imperial struggles throughout the world.  And for a period before his early death, the Socialist Republican, John Maclean took up Connolly’s ‘break-up of the UK state and British Empire’ strategy in Scotland. This until recently neglected and often misunderstood period of Maclean’s life is also examined in Part Five.

Both British Left Unionists and Irish and Scottish Nationalists have tried to claim Connolly and Maclean to support their own politics. This book provides a challenge to their attempts. It locates Connolly and Maclean within the initially Socialist Republican then developing wider Communist led, ‘internationalism from below’ alliance of workers and peasants, women’s emancipationists, oppressed nations and nationalities seeking freedom. Connolly and Maclean have been the subject of more biographies and collected writings than any other Socialists born in these islands. The majority of these works have appeared since the late 1960s, with greater numbers more recently. This is because of the continued decline of the British Empire, and the consequent strains that places upon the Union.

Part Six of this book presents the case that the UK is today once more facing disintegration. It looks to those social and political forces which could ensure this happens in a beneficial way for the majority. The British ruling class has and will continue to put up a vicious rearguard action until the bitter end. This why the Socialist Republican, ‘break-up of the UK and British Empire’ politics of Connolly and Maclean have taken on a new relevance. Informed by their struggles and works, we will be in a better position to bring about the ‘Ex-Brit’ demise of the UK state, highlighted in the book’s title. And should be located within a  ‘internationalism from below’ perspective,  as part of a global struggle for emancipation, liberation and self-determination (in its widest sense).

Contents

INTRODUCTION 

UNDERSTANDING THE UNIONIST NATURE OF THE UK STATE AND THE REASONS FOR ITS ONGOING DEMISE

 The Union Flag; why it is still party time for the nations of these islands; and an outlne of the rise, hegemony and fall of the UK state  make-up of the UK state; and the reasons for its ongoing demise

 

a) What does the Union Flag tell us about the UK?

b) The unionist nature of the state and the politics which flow from this

c) An outline of the book

 

PART ONE

 FROM BRITANNIA, CALEDONIA AND HIBERNIA TO ENGLALAND, CYMRU, ALBA AND EIRINN

 

1. THE FOUR OF YORE

The far from inevitable development of England, Wales, Scotland and Ireland as nations or states within their current territorial boundaries

a)      The impact of different socio-economic systems and the role of  religion

b)     The emergence of four core areas in post-Roman Britannia, Caledonia and Hibernia

c)      Englaland/England

d)     Cymru/Wales

e)     Alba/Scotland

f)      Eirinn/Ireland

g)     These islands at the end of the medieval period

 

2. AND THEN THERE WERE THREE

 The kings of England forced acceptance of a more limited dynastic realm contributes to the emergence of an English nation; the uncertain boundaries of Wales within an English unitary state; the effect of the continued divide between two social orders in Scotland; and the enforced territorial unity of Ireland under the English Crown leads to deepening social division

 

a) A century of dramatic socio-economic change

b) These islands in 1600

 

3. REVOLUTION IN THE THREE KINGDOMS

 

The continued rise of the English nation and the invisibility of Wales as a separate polity under the Three Kingdoms and the ‘Greater English’ Republic; the legacy of two societies and the struggle between an all-islands Presbyterian settlement and the Stuarts’ wider dynastic claims limit the development of a Scottish nation; and the ethnically and religiously divided nature of Irish society acts as a barrier to the development of a united Irish nation

 

a) The Stuarts’ struggle to control the Three Kingdoms and the Puritan, Presbyterian and the Independent Republican challenges, with their different class and national bases of support

b)     England

c)     Wales

d)     Scotland

e)     Ireland

f)      These islands in 1660

PART TWO

 

A. UNIONIST STATE FORGED IN THE FURNACES OF BRITISH IMPERIAL EXPANSION AND REPUBLICAN CHALLENGES

1. UNION AND EMPIRE – HYBRID BRITISHNESS OR REPUBLICAN BREAKAWAY

The making of a British ruling class, united in the promotion of empire, and its decision to create a unionist state rather than a unitary nation state; the Republican challenges – the USA, the one that got away, and Ireland, the one that did not make it

 a)     The Three Kingdoms following the Glorious Revolution

b)     The effect of the 1707 Act of Union between England and Scotland    upon the development of the UK state

c)     The choice facing the Thirteen Colonies – join the constitutional monarchist Union or go for an independent Republic

d)     Ireland and the Republican, ‘internationalism from below’ alliance in the 1789-1815 International Revolutionary Wave

e)     The UK by 1801 – the failure to create a unitary British state, the rise and fall of the Irish autonomous parliament, the realised and attempted Republican breakaway states in the USA and Ireland, and the British ruling class opt to extend the unionist form of the UK state to Ireland

 

 2. FROM THE SPRINGTIME OF NATIONS TO THE OLD ORDER REINVENTED

The expansion of hybrid British Unionism amongst the different classes in these islands and empire; the challenge of the 1847-9 International Revolutionary Wave and its defeat; and alternatives raised but suppressed or marginalised

a)     The impact of industrial capitalism on the British ruling class and the UK state

b)     The emergence of a new working class and the challenges to the new industrial capitalist order and the UK state

c)     The Republican challenges in Lower and Upper Canada and their defeat followed by the 1840 Act of Union outside the UK

d)     Wales – the advance to and retreat from the frontline of the  challenge to the UK state

e)     The lion that didn’t roar – the ‘lower orders’ in Scotland begin to  support a reformed Scottish-British nation within the UK and British Empire

f)     The impact of the Irish Repeal campaign and a comparison with the Chartist struggles up to 1848

g)     The Democratic Associations, the Irish Confederation and a   new social Republican ‘internationalism from below’ alliance in the 1847-9 International Revolutionary Wave

h)     The UK in 1849 – the triumph of industrial capital and the defeat  the revolutionary democratic Republican challenges in Wales, Ireland and Canada help to consolidate the UK state, the British Empire and hybrid British unionism

i)     The 1854 Eureka Stockade rebellion – the aftermath of the International Revolutionary Wave in Victoria and the legacy of the Chartists, Irish Confederation and the Red Republican challenge in Australia

j)     How contemporary Communists and Red Republicans viewed the UK state and the future of the nations on these islands

 

 

3. THE BRITISH ROAD TO PROGRESS, THE SUMMER OF THE UNION BUT AN IRISH CLOUD ON THE HORIZON

 

The British Empire continues to underpin hybrid British Unionism; the problems promoting an Irish-British nation; the emergence of Welsh-Britain as the fourth nation within the Union; and the continued support for a Scottish-British nation; Irish mass migration, European asylum seekers and the response of the First International

 a)    The triumph of free market capitalism and liberal politics following the defeat of the 1847-9 International Revolutionary Wave

b)     Ireland – the growing conflict between the Protestant Irish-British  and the Catholic-Irish and attempts to create an Irish Republic

c)     Wales – the emergence of a new Welsh-British nation and the beginning of a political struggle for its recognition

d)     Scotland – the further development of the Scottish-British nation

e)     The UK in the 1870s – the growing divergence between Ireland and England, Scotland and Wales

f)      How the First International responded to the new political developments in Ireland and to Irish mass migration and European asylum seekers

 

PART THREE

 GROWING TENSIONS IN THE UNION AND EMPIRE UNDER HIGH IMPERIALISM AND THE RECOGNITION A FOURTH NATION WITHIN THE UK

1. NEW BREEZES AND THEIR IMPACT UPONTHE FOUR NATIONS OF THE UK AND THE WHITE SETTLER COLONIES

 The transition from Liberal-led Free Trade Imperialism to Conservative-led New Imperialism; the impact of the Land and Labour Movement, a new Social Republican challenge in Ireland creates a wider ‘internationalism from below’ alliance in Scotland, Wales, England, USA and Australia; the continued rise of Irish Nationalism and its compromises with the Catholic hierarchy; the continued advance of Scottish and Welsh Britain; the liberal wing of the British ruling class responds with Home Rule reform of the UK state; the conservative unionist counter-attack and the triumph of High Imperialism

a)      The end of Free Trade Imperialism and rise of New Imperialism

b)     The changeover from Liberal to Conservative hegemony amongst the British ruling class

c)      Social Republicanism and the land struggle in Ireland pushes Gladstone’s Liberals into promoting the First Irish Home Rule Bill

d)     The Land and Labour ‘internationalism from below’ alliance extends to Scotland helping to push Scottish Home Rule on to the political agenda

e)     The Land and Labour ‘internationalism from below’ alliance extends to Wales, leading to the UK state’s growing recognition of Wales as the fourth nation within the Union

f)     The rise of the New (trade) Unionism and the Second Irish Home Rule Bill

g)     The UK state following the defeat of the Second Irish Home Rule Bill

h)     The retreat of New (trade) Unionism and its leaders’ limited political response to the development of multi-nation struggles in the UK

i)      How social Republican, Labour and Socialist organisations viewed the UK state  

 

2. THE INDIAN SUMMER OF THE UK AND BRITISH EMPIRE, NEW CHALLENGES AND THE RETREAT TO UNIONIST INTRANSIGENCE

 The era of High Imperialism from 1895-1916; Conservative and Liberal responses; the continuing Irish challenge and the failure of the Constructive Unionist response; the competition between the Irish-British, Catholic-Irish and Irish-Irish nations; the Scottish-British and Welsh-British nations follow a different pattern to Ireland

 a)    High Imperialism and Conservative and Liberal politics from 1895

b)    The Second Boer War – British opposition to the ‘wrong sort’ of  imperialism

c)     The Second Boer War – Irish Nationalist support for ‘our kind’ of  anti-Brits

d)    Constructive Unionism to destructive Unionism – different ways to see off Irish Home Rule

e)    The significance of the Irish Cultural Renaissance in the emergence of an Irish-Irish nation

f)     The Scottish-British and Welsh-British nations continue to develop  within the UK state framework

g)     New (trade) Unionist, Labour and Socialist responses to the demand for greater self-determination in the constituent nations of the UK under the conditions of High Imperialism

h)    Imperialism, new migration, the growth of distinct ethnic and multi-ethnic urban areas in England, Scotland and Wales and alternative Socialist links between Ireland, Scotland and the USA

i)     James Connolly and the emergence of Socialist Republicanism

            

3. THE AUTUMN CHILL OF UNION AND EMPIRE

 British Unionist intransigence undermines the prospects for Catholic-Irish, non-sectarian Irish, or Irish-British nations within the UK and British Empire; different visions of an Irish-Irish nation; and the continued drive to inter-imperialist war

a) Conservative Unionist and Liberal Party divisions, but more fundamental agreements in the face of growing imperial rivalry

b) Labour, Socialists and the challenge of New Liberalism

c) The response of the exploited and oppressed – the impact of Syndicalism and the new Women’s Suffrage campaign on the development of a new ‘internationalism from below’ alliance

d) John Maclean and James Connolly – differences and similarities before the First World War

e) The new wave of class struggles from 1906 and the Great Unrest from 1910-14

f) The climax of the Great Unrest – the 1913-14 Dublin Lock-Out and the impact of the new Syndicalist, Labour and Women’s Suffrage ‘internationalism from below’ alliance

g) The emergence of significant new political forces in Ireland – Sinn Fein, the IRB and Socialist Republicans

h) Reactionary unionism and the planned overthrow of the Liberal government over the third Home Rule Bill

i) British Unionist intransigence and Irish Nationalist retreats undermine the possibilities for a Catholic-Irish ‘nation’ or a non-sectarian Irish nation within the UK and British Empire

j) The IRB and Socialist Republicans become contenders in the struggle for Irish self-determination

k) A brittle Union under strain in the run-up to the First World Wa and the threads of a new Socialist Republican-led, ‘internationalism from below’ alliance

        

PART FOUR 

THE DARK WINTER OF HIGH IMPERIALISM, THE FIRST WORLD WAR AND THE DAWNING OF LIGHT WITH THE BEGINNING OF THE BREAK-UP OF UNION AND EMPIRE

 

1. THE FIRST WORLD WAR AND THE REPUBLICAN SOCIALIST AND REPUBLICAN ALLIANCE FOR AN IRISH REPUBLIC

 The Socialist Republican and Republican united front; the 1916 Easter Rising and the Proclamation of the Republic

 a)    Chickens come home to roost – the First World War and the   collapse of the Second International and British Socialism, as British Labour       and trade unions back the UK government

b)    The development of different Socialist strategies to bring the war to an end

c)     The Socialist Republican alliance with the IRB for an insurrection to create an Irish Republic

d)    The predictions of the 1916 Easter Rising’s organisers vindicated

e)     The marginalisation of the Socialist Republican wing of the Republican alliance, following the 1916 Rising

f)     Different views of the type of political organisation required following Socialists’ experience in the Russian Empire and Ireland; their sustainability in the new International Revolutionary Wave

  

2. THE 1916 RISING TRIGGERS A NEW INTERNATIONAL REVOLUTIONARY WAVE

 The new International Revolutionary Wave with the renewal of the challenge to the UK state and the different impact in Clydeside, South Wales and Ireland

 a)   The wider impact of the 1916 Rising in Scotland, England and Wales

b) The impact of the February Revolution on Socialists in Great Britain and Ireland

c) The impact of the October Revolution and the Bolsheviks upon Socialists in Ireland and Great Britain and the difficulties in trying to create a new party to meet the new needs

d) The different impact of the 1918 general election in Great   Britain, particularly Clydeside and South Wales, and in Ireland.

 

PART FIVE

INTER-IMPERIALIST TENSIONS AND  ANTI-IMPERIALIST, REPUBLICAN AND COMMUNIST STORMS UNDERMINE THE UK AND BRITISH EMPIRE

 

1. THE SURGE OF THE INTERNATIONAL REVOLUTIONARY WAVE AND  THE START OF THE BREAK-UP OF THE UK

 The surge of the International Revolutionary Wave to its highpoint in 1919; the development of a new Communist Party-led alliance of the working class and oppressed; post-war British imperial reaction; and the beginnings of the break-up of the UK

 a)     British reaction confronts revived imperialist rivalry leading to splits in the post-war Coalition government

b)     The impact of the International Revolutionary Wave upon the working class struggle and splits in the post-war Coalition government

c)      The impact of the rising International Revolutionary Wave upon colonial revolt and splits in the post-war Coalition government

d)     The impact of the International Revolutionary Wave upon the struggle for an Irish Republic and splits in the post-war Coalition government

e)      Major working class struggles in Ireland constrained by support either for the Union or for the Sinn Fein leadership of the Irish Republic

f)      The belated impact of the new struggle for Irish self-determination upon the rest of the UK, and John Maclean’s abandonment of a ‘British road to socialism’

 

2. THE EBBING OF THE INTERNATIONAL REVOLUTIONARY WAVE AND THE CONTAINMENT OF THE BREAK-UP OF THE UK

 The ebbing International Revolutionary Wave to 1921/3; the Bolsheviks and British Unionist Lefts’ failure to promote ‘internationalism from below’; the UK state’s counter-offensive props up a weakened Union and Empire

 a)   The limitations of Social Democratic and official Communist theories have their effect on the struggle for national self-determination

b)    Struggles in Ireland constrained by the Bolsheviks’ failure to develop a new Communist-led ‘internationalism from below’ alliance of workers, small farmers, oppressed nations and nationalities

c)    The political legacy of British imperialism holds back the International Revolutionary Wave during its upsurge and contributes to its ebb from 1921

d)    The British ruling class flirts with Fascism in Great Britain but falls back on national Labourism to contain the working class upsurge

e)    The British ruling class resorts to military repression and Fascist methods in Ireland, which contribute to the founding of a form  of apartheid statelet in Six Counties Ulster

f)    The British ruling class backed overturn of the First Irish Republic freezes the further break-up of the UK state                            

g)   Roddy Connolly and James Larkin swimming against the ebbing  tide of revolution in Ireland

h)   John Maclean swimming against the ebbing tide of revolution in Scotland

                                           

 

 

PART SIX

 DARKENING SKIES AND CLEARING SHOWERS – THE REARGUARD ACTION TO SAVE WHAT IS LEFT OF EMPIRE AND UNION IN THE FACE OF CHALLENGES FROM ABOVE AND BELOW

 

1. TWO STALLED BREAK-UPS OF BRITISH EMPIRE AND THE UK

 The importance of the legacy of the 1916-21 International Revolutionary Wave for the break-up of the UK and Britishness; renewed challenges after the Second World War

 a)   The stalled break-up of the British Empire and the UK from 1923 to the end of the Second World War

b)   The reappearance of the National Question during and after the  Second World War,

c)    The marginalisation of the national democratic opposition in the UK during the Social Democratic-led Keynesian post-war boom

 

2. THE ACCELERATED BREAK-UP OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE AND ITS EFFECT ON THE UK

 The break-up of the British Empire from the mid-1960s loosens the bonds holding the UK together; the British ruling class turn to the EEC creates new problems

 

a)    The retreat of the British Empire and the reappearance of the National Question

b)    The renewed significance of the regions, particularly in England and the ambiguous legacy of English Regionalism

c)    The re-emergence of a liberal unionist response to the new challenges from the national democratic movements

d)   The impact of the UK joining the EEC

 

3, THE RISE OF NEO-LIBERALISM AND THE UK STATE’S FAILED ATTEMPT TO CONTAIN NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC CHALLENGES

 

The ruling class falls back again on conservative and reactionary unionism before being forced to adopt liberal unionist ‘Devolution-all-round’

 a)    The UK state’s conservative and reactionary unionist counter-offensive under Thatcher’s neo-liberalism

b)     The return of national democratic resistance leads to a ‘New Unionist’ response in Ireland under the Tories

c)     Labour widens the Tories’ Irish ‘New Unionism’ to cover Scotland and Wales and resurrects the old liberal unionist project as Devolution-all-round

d)    The re-emergence of a Northern Irish-British identity

e)     New Labour’s failed attempt at political devolution for the English regions

f)     The 2008 Crash and the re-emergence of reactionary unionism in Northern Ireland

g)     The Left tries to grapple with the new political situation and new challenges

 

4. THE RISE OF NATIONAL POPULISM AND REACTIONARY UNIONISM – A LAST DITCH ATTEMPT TO HOLD TOGETHER THE UK

 After the Brexit vote, the ruling class turns to Right Populism and   reactionary unionism

 a)     Scotland’s 2014 IndyRef1 and the inept British ruling class conservative unionist response

b)     After the 2008 Financial Crisis the British ruling class hardens its Euro-scepticism whilst New Labour

c)      New Labour and Con-Dem governments seek an ethnic (cultural) underpinning for Britishness and the UK state’s stepped-up attacks on migrants

d)     The rise of the Hard Right and the move from Euroscepticism to Europhobia

e)     The reactionary nature of the Brexit campaign and its aim to buttress the UK state, reinforce migration controls and move politics further to the Right

f)      Donald Trump and the global ascendancy of Right Populism, and the emergence of a UK-wide reactionary unionist Brexit alliance

g)     Completing the Right Populist takeover of the UK state in 2019

h)     ‘Brexit’ undermines the position of EU migrants and opens up the prospect of further working class divisions in the UK

 

5. THE BREAK-UP OF THE UK STATE AND THE UNDERMINING OF HYBRID BRITISHNESS

A UK state Brexit and US Right Populist alliance, fragmented constitutional nationalist responses, and the possibility of a Socialist Republican, ex-Brit and ‘internationalism from below’ alliance across Europe

a)    ‘Brexit’ and Johnson’s Right Populist election victory further undermine hybrid-Britishness

b)     Competing strategies in the face of the break-up of the UK and the need for a Socialist Republican, ‘internationalism from below’ response

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

   

 

Tags: ,


Dec 09 2019

THE RISE OF NATIONAL POPULISM AND REACTIONARY UNIONISM IN THE RUN UP TO THE DECEMBER 12th GENERAL ELECTION

In the lead-up to the December 12th general election Allan Armstrong updates  his analysis of the drift to the Right populist and reactionary unionist politics in the UK and what this possibly means for the future of the Union.

This is followed by an article by  statement from  the Radical Independence Campaign in Scotland on the general election.

Finally we are posting an article by  Tony Greenstein, expelled Labour Party member from Brighton. He predicted the unexpected rise in support for Jeremy Corbyn in 2017, but thinks that Labour’s chances have declined in the run up to the December general election.

___________

  1. THE CONTINUED RISE OF RIGHT POPULISM AND REACTIONARY UNIONISM 

IN THE LEAD-UP TO THE DECEMBER 12th GENERAL ELECTION

 

(A fuller explanation of what is meant by Right national populism can be found in the article:- https://allanarmstrong831930095.files.wordpress.com/2020/06/right-populism-2.pdf

Neither the UK nor Great Britain have ever been unitary states. All forms of unionism are based upon the unionist nature of the UK state, which has recognised England, Scotland, Ireland (later Northern Ireland)  and Wales as constituent units. This has led to the adoption of various forms of hybrid Britishness.

Three key terms used in this article  are:-

Conservative unionism – This acknowledges the unionist nature of the UK state through administrative devolution (or later acceptance of liberal unionist devolutionary measures  which it once opposed, but have become part of the status quo)

Liberal unionism – This also accepts the unionist nature of the UK state but promotes political devolution as a better method of holding the state together

Reactionary unionism – This upholds the UK state and openly celebrates  its most repressive aspects. e.g. the crown powers, the armed forces and judiciary. It is also prepared to mobilise extra-constitutional force to prevent national self-determination, greater measures of political devolution, and reverse political devolution and even some administrative devolutionary measures that have already been accepted.) Continue reading “THE RISE OF NATIONAL POPULISM AND REACTIONARY UNIONISM IN THE RUN UP TO THE DECEMBER 12th GENERAL ELECTION”

Tags: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , ,


Oct 22 2019

THE CONTRADICTIONS UNDERLYING BREXIT AND SCOTTISH INDEPENDENCE

Allan Armstrong sent  this article to Conter, on September 13th, hoping  to open up one of the debates on the Left in relation to Scottish independence, before and during the Radical Independence Campaign conference in Glasgow on October 26th. There has been no acknowledgement of this article by the Conter editor, despite Allan being a member of RISE, Conter‘s main sponsor. This seems to reflect a unwillingness, highlighted at the founding of RISE, to discuss controversial  issues.

However, since then articles have appeared in Conter, or by RISE members writing for CommonSpace, which have been pro-Lexit. Allan’s article was written in an attempt to ensure that a fuller range of Left opinion was addressed on a specifically Socialist site claiming  to promote wider debate. This could then contribute to  the best traditions of RIC, where such controversial issues have been openly debated. A Left that is afraid to debate issues, in a democratic and respectful manner, is doomed to irrelevance.

Fortunately, both Socialist Resistance (http://socialistresistance.org/the-contradictions-underlying-brexit-and-scottish-independence/18211) and bella caledonia (https://bellacaledonia.org.uk/2019/10/24/republican-internationalism-from-below/) have now posted this article. 

 

THE CONTRADICTIONS UNDERLYING BREXIT AND SCOTTISH INDEPENDENCE

 

To date articles in Conter addressing Brexit have concentrated more on the neo-liberal opposition, and those on the Left perceived to be tail-ending this section of the British ruling class. There has been no real analysis of the aims of the hard right and national populist advocates of Brexit, whether the Boris Johnson-led Tories, or the Nigel Farage-led UKIP and now his Brexit Party. Brexit  has not been adequately placed in the context of the global rise of right national populism, highlighted by Donald Trump’s ‘Brexit, plus, plus, plus’, US presidential electoral victory in November 2016.[1] These people are still seen by some on the Left as political outsiders, despite now having their hands  on the US state’s anti-democratic presidential powers and the UK state’s anti-democratic crown powers. Nor have the machinations of such ‘left’ Brexit union leaders as UNITE’s Len McCluskey been addressed.[2]

 

The RIC conference on 26.10.19

The Radical Independence Campaign (RIC) has formed an important arena for discussing such issues.[3] Indeed RIC’s Scottish internationalism is highlighted on its banner – ‘Another Scotland is Possible; Another Europe is Possible; Another World is Possible’. Hopefully, the October 26th RIC conference in Glasgow will extend this opportunity for discussion related to the situation we now face. Understanding the political forces, which the Left is up against, is essential, not only in the UK and wider world, but for us in Scotland, when we consider the future for Scottish independence. Continue reading “THE CONTRADICTIONS UNDERLYING BREXIT AND SCOTTISH INDEPENDENCE”

Tags: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , ,


Next Page »