{"id":13838,"date":"2020-04-18T14:17:32","date_gmt":"2020-04-18T14:17:32","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/republicancommunist.org\/blog\/?p=13838"},"modified":"2023-09-15T19:27:02","modified_gmt":"2023-09-15T19:27:02","slug":"internationalism-from-below-volume-3","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/republicancommunist.org\/blog\/2020\/04\/18\/internationalism-from-below-volume-3\/","title":{"rendered":"INTERNATIONALISM FROM BELOW – Volume 3"},"content":{"rendered":"

Allan Armstrong has completed the third volume of his book – Internationalism from Below: Reclaiming a communist tradition to challenge the nation-state and capitalist empire.<\/em> This volume is titled, Revolutionary Social Democracy, Nation-States and Nationalism in the Age of High Imperialism and the Second International (1889-1916). <\/em>It can be read online at:-<\/strong><\/p>\n

https:\/\/allanarmstrong831930095.files.wordpress.com\/2020\/05\/internationalism-from-below-book-3doc-1.pdf<\/a><\/p>\n

Most of the theories the Left uses today to address the ‘National Question’ have their origins in the period of High Imperialism leading up to the First World War and the outbreak of the 1916-21\/3 International Revolutionary Wave. These theories are linked to the names of Kaul Kautsky, Otto Bauer, Rosa Luxemburg, Vladimir Lenin and Josef Stalin. All emerged in the context of a Second International struggling with the impact of High Imperialism and the growing threats of war. \u00a0The authors \u00a0of these theories sometimes competed over their claims to provide \u00a0an orthodox Marxist underpinning for their approach to the ‘National Question’. However, during this period an ‘Internationalism from Below’ trend also emerged. It was less concerned with being orthodox, but analysed the latest developments in the formation of nations and nation-states from the perspective of revolutionary Social Democrats living in oppressed nations. These writers and activists included James Connolly in Ireland, Kazimierz Kelles-Kreuz in Poland and Lev Iurkevich in Ukraine. Their theories were to be tested in the 1916-21\/3 International Revolutionary Wave, which forms the subject of Volume 4.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Below are the Contents and Introduction to Volume 3:-<\/p>\n

Contents<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/strong>1. \u00a0 \u00a0INTRODUCTION<\/strong><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\u00a02. \u00a0 THE IMPACT OF HIGH IMPERIALISM<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n

A. \u00a0 The triumph of the High Imperialism<\/strong><\/p>\n

i) \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 Mercantile, Free Trade and Monopoly Capitalist Imperialism<\/p>\n

ii) \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0A world divided into \u2018nation\u2019-states with their colonies<\/p>\n

iii) \u00a0 \u00a0 From territorial division to redivision; from\u00a0international diplomacy to the possibility of world war<\/p>\n

iv) \u00a0 \u00a0 The political impact of Imperialist populism<\/p>\n

v) \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0The victims and the resistance<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

B. \u00a0 \u00a0The Development of Orthodox Marxism and the \u2018National Question\u2019<\/strong><\/p>\n

i) \u00a0 \u00a0 The Positivist-Materialist and Idealist philosophical split amongst pre-First World War One, Social Democrat and its application to the \u2018National Question\u2019<\/p>\n

ii) \u00a0 \u00a0 From Positivist-Materialist philosophy to mechanical economic determinist theory<\/p>\n

iii) \u00a0 \u00a0Kautsky and the Austro-Marxists set the terms of the debate on the issue of nationality, nations and nationalism<\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n

C. \u00a0 \u00a0Kazimierz Kelles-Krauz takes on the Orthodox Marxists<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/strong>i) \u00a0 \u00a0 Luxemburg and Kelles-Krauz and the division over Poland in the Second International<\/p>\n

ii) \u00a0 \u00a0 Luxemburg and Kelles-Krauz take their differences over Poland to the 1896 Congress of the Second International in London<\/p>\n

iii)\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Luxemburg and Kelles-Krauz continue their struggle at the 1900 Congress of the Second International in Paris<\/p>\n

iv) \u00a0 \u00a0Kelles-Krauz challenges Luxemburg\u2019s Radical Left and Auer and Winter\u2019s Right social chauvinist alliance in the SDPD<\/p>\n

v) \u00a0 \u00a0 Kelles-Krauz takes on Kautsky of the SDPD and Renner of the SDPO<\/p>\n

vi) \u00a0 \u00a0Kelles-Krauz\u2019s contribution on the issue of national minorities – the case of the Jews<\/p>\n

vii) \u00a0 Kelles-Krauz and organisation amongst oppressed minorities<\/p>\n

viii)\u00a0 Kelles-Krauz\u2019s theory of nation and nationality formation<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

D. \u00a0 \u00a0James Connolly\u2019s early contribution towards \u2018Internationalism from Below\u2019 <\/span><\/b><\/strong>\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n

i) \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0Connolly uses the language issue to point the way to a new \u2018internationalism from below\u2019<\/p>\n

ii) \u00a0 \u00a0 Kelles-Krauz and Connolly find common ground over the business of the 1900 Paris Congress<\/p>\n

iii) \u00a0 \u00a0Summary of the impact of \u2018High Imperialism\u2019 on Social Democratic politics<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

3. \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 THE IMPACT OF THE 1904-7 INTERNATIONAL REVOLUTIONARY WAVE<\/strong><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

A. \u00a0 \u00a0 The 1904-7 International Revolutionary Wave<\/strong><\/p>\n

i) \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0The impact of workers and peasant struggles<\/p>\n

ii ) \u00a0 \u00a0The impact of national democratic struggles within the Tsarist Russian Empire<\/p>\n

iii) \u00a0 \u00a0The impact of national democratic struggles outside the Tsarist Russian Empire<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

B. \u00a0 \u00a0\u00a0<\/strong>Revolutionary social democrats consider the issue of\u00a0<\/strong>Imperialism and different paths of development<\/strong><\/p>\n

i) \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0Kautsky and Bauer and the different challenges from the three wings of the Internationalist Left<\/p>\n

ii) \u00a0 \u00a0 Kautsky\u2019s and Bauer\u2019s differences over their solution to the \u2018National Question\u2019 mask their agreement over the maintenance of existing territorial states<\/p>\n

iii) \u00a0 The \u2018National Question\u2019 – old issues sharpened after the new\u00a0issues raised \u2013 the Jews and the Muslims<\/p>\n

iv) \u00a0 The International Left – the Radical Lefts, Rosa Luxemburg and the Balkan Social Democrats<\/p>\n

v) \u00a0 \u00a0Imperialism – the new Centre takes the theoretical lead but is\u00a0challenged by Rosa Luxemburg<\/p>\n

vi) \u00a0 Luxemburg and Lenin on different paths of capitalist\u00a0development<\/p>\n

vii) \u00a0Luxemburg and Lenis on two worlds of development and \u00a0their differences on the role of the peasantry<\/p>\n

viii) Luxemburg and Lenin clash over \u2018the right of nations to self-determination\u2019 and national autonomy<\/p>\n

ix) \u00a0 Luxemburg and Lenin attack Bauer over the issue of \u2018one\u00a0state, one party\u2019<\/p>\n

x) \u00a0 \u00a0Lenin on the \u201cdemocratic and socialist element\u201d in national culture and the case of Norway<\/p>\n

xi)\u00a0\u00a0 Summary of the impact of the 1904-7 International\u00a0\u00a0Revolutionary Wave on Social Democratic politics<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

4. \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 PURSUING AN \u2018INTERNATIONALISM FROM\u00a0<\/strong>BELOW\u2019 STRATEGY RESPONDED BETWEEN THE\u00a0<\/strong>TWO INTERNATIONAL REVOLUTIONARY WAVES<\/strong><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

A. \u00a0 \u00a0The further development of \u2018Internationalism from <\/strong>Below\u2019\u2013 James Connolly<\/strong><\/p>\n

i) \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0Connolly uses some parallel arguments to Lenin on the \u201csocialist and democratic element\u201d in his History of Irish Labour<\/em><\/p>\n

ii) \u00a0 \u00a0 Connolly comes up against the limitations of \u2018one\u00a0\u00a0state, one party\u2019 politics of the International Left<\/p>\n

iii) \u00a0 \u00a0The outbreak of the First World War and the responses on\u00a0The International Left up to the 1916 Dublin Rising<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

B. \u00a0 \u00a0 The further development of \u2018Internationalism from<\/strong>\u00a0Below\u2019\u2013 Lev Iurkevich<\/strong><\/p>\n

i) \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 The Tsarist Empire – a \u2018prisonhouse of nations\u2019<\/p>\n

ii)\u00a0\u00a0 \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0Lenin and the influence of developments in Finland, Poland,\u00a0Georgia and Latvia<\/p>\n

iii)\u00a0\u00a0 \u00a0\u00a0Ukraine challenges the social chauvinism of the RSDLP \u00a0before the First World War<\/p>\n

iv) \u00a0 \u00a0 The background of Lev Iurkevich and his role in Ukrainian \u00a0Social Democracy<\/p>\n

v) \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0Iurkevich and Lenin debate the nature of Imperialism and\u00a0the forthcoming revolution<\/p>\n

vi)\u00a0\u00a0 \u00a0\u00a0The contradictions of federation<\/p>\n

vii)\u00a0 \u00a0\u00a0Iurkevich investigates the historical roots of Russian\u00a0social chauvinism and imperialism<\/p>\n

viii)\u00a0 \u00a0Iurkevich\u2019s opposition to \u2018the right of self-determination\u2019<\/p>\n

ix)\u00a0 \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0Iurkevich identifies the common ground held by Lenin and\u00a0\u00a0the Radical Left<\/p>\n

x) \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0Iurkevich highlights the connection between the exercise of\u00a0\u00a0self-determination and the need for independent parties<\/p>\n

xi)\u00a0 \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0Towards the \u2018Russian\u2019 Revolution<\/p>\n

xii) \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0Summary of the thinking of James Connolly and Lev\u00a0Iurkevich<\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n

1. INTRODUCTION<\/strong><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Volume Two examined the body of work left by Marx and Engels on the \u2018National Question\u2019 between the end of the 1847-9 International Revolutionary Wave and Engels\u2019 death in 1895.\u00a0 It was shown that Marx and Engels bequeathed a particular legacy on this issue, which, in its most developed form, amounted to an Internationalism from Below <\/strong>approach.\u00a0 In 1896, soon after Engels\u2019 death, the Second International<\/strong>, which had been formed in 1889, adopted its well-known support for \u2018the right of nations to self-determination\u2019. This was a significant contribution by leading Social Democrats to addressing the \u2018National Question.\u2019 They wanted to forge an orthodox Marxism which they thought should underpin the working of the Second International.<\/p>\n

Book Three examines some of the debates from 1895, which took place amongst Social Democrats within the Second International and its constituent Social Democratic parties up to the first two years of the First World War from 1914-16.\u00a0 After this Introduction (Part 1), Part 2A outlines the global context of \u2018High Imperialism\u2019 which dominated the world from 1895-1916. \u2018High Imperialism\u2019 was the culmination of two decades of the \u2018New Imperialism\u2019, which had been building up since the 1870s (see Book 2, Part 3A).<\/p>\n

Part 2B shows outlines the debates over the \u2018National Question\u2019 of those wanting to claim the orthodox Marxist mantle. In this new situation of \u2018High Imperialism\u2019, theoreticians and spokespersons, from a number of Second International affiliated Social Democratic parties, examined the \u2018National Question\u2019 by looking through \u2018lenses\u2019 they claimed to have been left by Marx and Engels.\u00a0 However, they could be quite selective in their choice of ‘lens’. This often led to blinkered viewpoints.\u00a0 As the pressures of the \u2018New Imperialism\u2019 (1) followed by \u2018High Imperialism\u2019 bore down upon Social Democrats, they tended to ignore Marx and Engels\u2019 own later \u2018internationalism from below\u2019 approach to the \u2018National Question\u2019.<\/p>\n

As the influence of \u2018High Imperialism; grew, would-be orthodox Marxists of the Second International were able to identify a definite Revisionist current associated with Social Democracy\u2019s Right wing.\u00a0 However, most Rightists were less interested in participating in Social Democracy\u2019s Marxist debates. Instead they increasingly used their official party and trade union positions to come to an accommodation with their host states, their rulers, employers and the imperialist policies they promoted. Thus, an initially unacknowledged social chauvinism<\/strong> and social imperialism<\/strong>, often found amongst Social Democrats in the dominant nations of the imperial states contribed, in turn, to a social patriotic<\/strong> response amongst many Social Democrats in the oppressed nations and nationalities.<\/p>\n

Orthodox Marxists were often less vigorous in opposing the Right in practice, as opposed to theory.\u00a0 However, even the developing orthodox Marxist theories had failings, which made them less effective in countering the overall drift to the Right. \u00a0Those would-be orthodox Marxists of the Second International became divided into two main camps over the \u2018National Question\u2019.\u00a0 The first camp was led by Karl Kautsky of the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SDPD) (2), the second by Otto Bauer of the Social Democratic Party of Austria (SDPO) (3).\u00a0 The debates between these two camps had most resonance in the Prussian\/German, Austro-Hungarian and Russian Empires.<\/p>\n

Given the awe, in which the SDPD was held by most Social Democrats, it was Kautsky\u2019s theories that tended to have the greater international influence.\u00a0 Many on the Left saw the organisationally and electorally successful SDPD, and its \u2018German road to socialism\u2019, as the model to adopt.\u00a0 Just as the earlier, very French Jacobins believed that they provided a universal model for others to emulate, so too, if not so self-consciously, did the German Social Democrats.\u00a0\u00a0 Most revolutionary Social Democrats, including Lenin and others in the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party (RSDLP) also accepted the SDPD’s and, in particular, Kautsky’s political lead up to the First World War.<\/p>\n

Bauer led the other would-be orthodox Marxist, Social Democratic approach to the handling of the \u2018National Question\u2019. Along with Max Adler and Karl Renner, he helped to develop an Austro-Marxist (4) approach to the \u2018National Question\u2019. The SDPO advocated the reconstitution of the Austro-Hungarian Empire as a federation of territorial nations and nationalities (ethnic groups), where they formed concentrated populations, with cultural autonomy for national minorities.\u00a0 This was meant to address the problems arising from the multinational nature of the Hapsburg Austrian state. Bauer\u2019s ideas were also taken up in the Russian Empire, particularly by the influential Jewish Bund, but also by other Social Democrats, especially in Ukraine and the Caucasus.<\/p>\n

Rosa Luxemburg (5) emerged as a key figure in trying to develop an alternative updated orthodox Marxist position on the \u2018National Question\u2019 She realised that the creation of a new orthodoxy meant going beyond a dogmatic repetition of earlier Marxist texts. Nevertheless, with regard to the \u2018National Question\u2019, Luxemburg still tried to stay within the theoretical framework already provided by Kautsky to combat the social patriots in the Polish Socialist Party (PPS) led by Josef Pilsudski (6).<\/p>\n

However, there was another trend in the PPS. Part 2C introduces the thinking of Kelles-Kreuz (7) who returned to Marx\u2019s and Engels\u2019 \u2018Internationalism from Below\u2019 approach over the \u2018National Question\u2019. Engels had outlined this, with regard to Poland, as recently as 1892. Kelles-Kreuz, a relatively unknown Polish revolutionary Social Democrat, became involved in the debates over the \u2018National Question\u2019 in the Second International and developed a body of theory addressing this. Before his tragic death in 1905, as revolution was breaking out in Poland, Kelles-Kreuz had already identified the weaknesses of both the Kautsky and Austro-Marxist wings of orthodox Marxism, anticipating their political trajectories in the First World War.\u00a0 Part 2D finishes this section by briefly examining James Connolly\u2019s thinking, developed in Ireland, over this period. He was another promoter of an \u2018Internationalism from Below\u2019 approach.<\/p>\n

Part 3A examines the impact of the 1904-7 International Revolutionary Wave, which punctuated the period of \u2018High Imperialism\u2019. This wave was centred upon Tsarist Russia, and produced its strongest effects, not to its West, where nevertheless, it had an impact, but to the East in Persia, the Ottoman Empire, China and colonial India, where its impact continued for some time later. This International Revolutionary Wave brought about a shift in the thinking of many Social Democrats over the \u2018National Question\u2019. Part 3B examines Lenin\u2019s emergence as an advocate of a stretched version of the orthodox Marxism of Kautsky over the \u2018National Question\u2019. In this he was very much influenced by the impact of national democratic movements in the Tsarist Empire during the 1904-7 International Revolutionary Wave. From this, he drew different conclusions to Luxemburg.<\/p>\n

Part 3C shows that Luxemburg and Lenin believed they were helping to extend the vision of revolutionary Social Democrats, by buffing up their own versions of Kautsky\u2019s lenses.\u00a0 They both firmly rejected the alternative repolished glasses offered by Bauer.\u00a0 But in the period just before the war, differences emerged between Lenin and Luxemburg over their understanding of Imperialism and the response Social Democrats should make to the re-emergence of the \u2018National Question\u2019. Luxemburg was beginning to move away from Kautsky\u2019s version of orthodox Marxism by 1910, whilst Lenin continued to uphold this until 1914.<\/p>\n

It was during this period that the three main components of what later the International Left<\/strong> emerged. They consisted of the Radical Left<\/strong>, most influenced by Rosa Luxemburg; the Bolsheviks<\/strong>, most influenced by Lenin; and the third component, the advocates of Internationalism from Below,<\/strong> who included Lev Iurkevich in Ukraine and James Connolly in Ireland. They provided a glimpse of the possibilities once the orthodox Marxist spectacles were removed. Connolly\u2019s work is relatively well known, albeit often highly contested. Iurkevich\u2019s work is either hardly known, or known only from dismissive comments, written by Lenin.<\/p>\n

When the Second International collapsed, in the face of the First World War, the International Left upheld the revolutionary Social Democratic legacy its leaders had abandoned. Part 4 examines how the three main currents in the International Left responded to the First World War. They all recognised this war had arisen as a consequence of the growing inter-imperialist rivalry, but they differed over significance of the \u2018National Question\u2019 and in particular the \u2018right to national self-determination\u2019.<\/p>\n

During this period, new theories of Imperialism and the \u2018National Question\u2019 were developed. Luxemburg had already produced her own theory of Imperialism shortly before the war broke out. The outbreak of the First World War led Lenin to follow Luxemburg and break from Kautsky. This contributed to him developing his own theory of Imperialism. Yet, despite both now having broken with Kautsky, Luxemburg\u2019s and Lenin\u2019s divisions over the \u2018National Question\u2019 widened. Part 4A, Chapter iii shows that Lenin\u2019s thinking was particularly affected by the impact of the 1916 Rising in Ireland. But he now found himself having to challenge a Luxemburg-influenced Radical Left amongst the Bolsheviks, including Pyatakov and Bukharin.<\/p>\n

It was during this period that James Connolly and Lev Iurkevich further developed the \u2018Internationalism from Below\u2019 approach. When the 1916-21 International Revolutionary Wave broke out, which ended the period of \u2018High Imperialism\u2019 dealt with in this book, the theories and strategies put forward by Lenin, Luxemburg and those advocates of \u2018Internationalism from Below\u2019 were to be tested in practice. This period will be examined in Volume 4.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n

References for Chapter 1<\/strong><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

(1)\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Book 2, 3A.i.<\/p>\n

(2)\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Massimo Salvadori, Karl Kautsky and the Socialist Revolution, 1880-1938<\/em> (KKatSR<\/em>) (Verso, 1979, London) and <\/strong>http:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/Karl_Kautsky and<\/strong>http:\/\/marxists.org\/archive\/kautsky\/<\/p>\n

(3)\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 s<\/strong>http:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/Otto_Bauer<\/p>\n

(4)\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Tom Bottomore & Patrick Goode, Austro-Marxism<\/em> (translated texts) (AM<\/em>) (Clarendon Press, 1978, Oxford) and<\/strong> http:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/Austro-Marxism<\/p>\n

(5)\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/strong>Peter Nettl, Rosa Luxemburg <\/em>(RL<\/em>) abridged edition, (Oxford University Press, 1969, London)<\/p>\n

(6)\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 http:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/Josef_Pilsudski<\/p>\n

(7)\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Timothy Snyder, Nationalism, Marxism and Modern Central Europe \u2013 A Biography of Kazimierz Kelles-Kreuz (1872-1905)<\/em> (Ukrainian\u00a0Research Institute (Harvard, Cambridge, 1997, Massachussets)<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

_____________<\/p>\n

also see:-<\/p>\n

Volume 1. \u00a0The historical development of nation-states and nationalism up to 1848<\/em><\/p>\n

https:\/\/allanarmstrong831930095.files.wordpress.com\/2019\/08\/internationalism-from-below-book-1.pdf<\/a><\/p>\n

Volume 2. The world of nation states and nationalism between the Communist League and the eaely Second International (1845-1895) <\/em><\/p>\n

https:\/\/allanarmstrong831930095.files.wordpress.com\/2019\/08\/internationalism-from-below-book-2.pdf<\/a><\/p>\n

_______________<\/p>\n

and for an application of \u00a0 ‘Internationalism from Below’ to the UK see:-<\/p>\n

From Pre-Brit to Ex-Brit: The Forging and the Break-up of the UK and Britishness<\/em><\/p>\n

https:\/\/allanarmstrong831930095.files.wordpress.com\/2020\/05\/from-pre-brit-to-ex-brit-1-4.pdf<\/a><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

_____________<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Allan Armstrong has completed the third volume of his book – Internationalism from Below: Reclaiming a communist tradition to challenge the nation-state and capitalist empire. This volume is titled, Revolutionary Social Democracy, Nation-States and Nationalism in the Age of High Imperialism and the Second International (1889-1916). It can be read online at:- https:\/\/allanarmstrong831930095.files.wordpress.com\/2020\/05\/internationalism-from-below-book-3doc-1.pdf Most of…<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":3,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_monsterinsights_skip_tracking":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_active":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_note":"","_monsterinsights_sitenote_category":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[1843,1852,1855,1858,1861,1867,1873,1846,1854,1848,1864],"tags":[230],"class_list":["post-13838","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-how-capitalists-organise","category-how-communists-organise","category-exploitation-and-emancipation","category-oppression-liberation","category-alienation-self-determination","category-emancipation-liberation-and-self-determination","category-against-unionism","category-british-imperialism","category-the-left-crisis","category-ex-ussr","category-our-history","tag-author-allan-armstrong"],"share_on_mastodon":{"url":"","error":""},"views":1723,"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/republicancommunist.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/13838","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/republicancommunist.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/republicancommunist.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/republicancommunist.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/3"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/republicancommunist.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=13838"}],"version-history":[{"count":25,"href":"https:\/\/republicancommunist.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/13838\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":26365,"href":"https:\/\/republicancommunist.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/13838\/revisions\/26365"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/republicancommunist.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=13838"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/republicancommunist.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=13838"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/republicancommunist.org\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=13838"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}