{"id":25840,"date":"2023-08-15T17:20:23","date_gmt":"2023-08-15T17:20:23","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/republicancommunist.org\/blog\/?p=25840"},"modified":"2023-08-17T12:38:41","modified_gmt":"2023-08-17T12:38:41","slug":"the-unbearable-manicheanism-of-the-anti-imperialistleft","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"http:\/\/republicancommunist.org\/blog\/2023\/08\/15\/the-unbearable-manicheanism-of-the-anti-imperialistleft\/","title":{"rendered":"The unbearable manicheanism of the “anti-imperialist” left"},"content":{"rendered":"

This article, written by Willam I. Robinson was first posted by anti*capitalist \u00a0resistance.<\/a> It critically examines the contradictory logic and regressive politics of the contemporary “anti-imperialist” left that opposes capitalist exploitation by the West but turns a blind eye to repression by non-Western states opposed to Washington. Manicheanism is \u00a0an ancient philosophy that interprets the world as a global conflict between light and darkness, or good and evil.<\/strong><\/p>\n

THE UNBEARABLE MANICHEANISM OF THE “ANTI-IMPERIALIST” LEFT<\/strong><\/p>\n

The German socialist August Bebel once commented that antisemitism is the \u201csocialism of fools\u201d because the antisemites recognised capitalist exploitation only if the exploiter happened to be Jewish but who would otherwise turn a blind eye to exploitation emanating from other quarters. \u00a0Over a century later, such socialism of fools has been resurrected by a self-declared \u201canti-imperialist\u201d left that condemns capitalist exploitation and repression around the world when it is practiced by the U.S. and other Western powers or the governments they support, yet turns a blind eye to, or even defends repressive, authoritarian, and dictatorial states simply because these states face hostility from Washington.\u00a0 I will discuss the cases of China, Nicaragua, the BRICS, and multipolarity as they bring out the convoluted logic and retrograde politics of this \u201canti-imperialist\u201d left.<\/p>\n

The politics of capitalist exploitation and social control around the world are fundamentally shaped by the contradiction between a globally-integrated economy and a nation-state-based system of political domination.\u00a0 Economic globalization and the transnational integration of capitals provide a centripetal impulse to global capitalism whereas political fragmentation gives a powerful centripetal counterimpulse that is resulting in an escalation of geopolitical conflict.\u00a0 The chasm is rapidly widening between the economic unity of global capital and political competition among ruling groups who must seek legitimacy and keep the internal social order of their respective nations from fracturing in the face of the escalating crisis of global capitalism.\u00a0 This global conjuncture is the backdrop to the contemporary \u201csocialism of fools.\u201d\u00a0 I will discuss here the cases of China, Nicaragua, the BRICS, and multipolarity as they bring out the convoluted logic and retrograde politics of the \u201canti-imperialist\u201d left.<\/p>\n

China and Capitalist Development<\/strong><\/p>\n

Capitalism with Chinese characteristics has involved the rise of powerful Chinese transnational capitalists fused with a state-party elite dependent on the reproduction of capital and high-consumption middle strata, fueled by a devastating wave of primitive accumulation in the countryside and the\u00a0exploitation<\/a>\u00a0of hundreds of millions of Chinese workers.\u00a0 China is now one of the\u00a0most unequal<\/a>\u00a0countries in the world.\u00a0 Strikes and independent unions are not legal in China.\u00a0 The Chinese Communist Party has long since abandoned any talk of class struggle or workers\u2019 power.\u00a0 As labor struggles continue to escalate in the country so too does\u00a0state repression<\/a>\u00a0of them.\u00a0 It is true that capitalist development has lifted millions out of extreme poverty and brought about rapid industrialization, technological progress, and advanced infrastructure.\u00a0 It is equally true that the North American and Western European core countries experienced these achievements during their periods of rapid capitalist development from the late nineteenth to the mid-twentieth centuries.\u00a0 The left never saw this capitalist development in the West as a victory for the working class nor did it lose sight of the link between this development and the law of combined and uneven accumulation in the world capitalist system.\u00a0 China is now \u201ccatching up.\u201d<\/p>\n

The Chinese model rests on a complex of state-private companies in which private capital accounts for\u00a0three-fifths<\/a>\u00a0of output and four-fifths of urban employment.\u00a0 China has not followed the neo-liberal route to transnational capitalist integration.\u00a0 The state plays a key role in the financial system, in regulating private capital, in massive public expenditure, especially in infrastructure, and in planning.\u00a0 This may be a distinct model of capitalist development than the Western neoliberal variant but it still obeys the laws of capital accumulation.\u00a0 Following the opening to global capitalism in the 1980s China became a market for transnational corporations and a sink for surplus accumulated capital able to take advantage of a vast supply of cheap labor controlled by a repressive omnipresent surveillance state.\u00a0 But by the turn of the century pressures were building up to find outlets abroad for surplus Chinese capital accumulated during years of hothouse capitalist development.<\/p>\n

Sustaining this development now became dependent on the export of capital abroad.\u00a0 In the first two decades of the twenty-first century China led the world in a surge of outward foreign direct investment to countries in the Global South and North alike, deepening the transnational integration of capitals and accelerating capitalist transformation in the countries in which it invests. \u00a0Between 1991 and 2003, China\u2019s foreign direct investment\u00a0increased<\/a>\u00a010-fold, and then increased 13.7 times from 2004 to 2013, from $45 billion to $613 billion.\u00a0 By 2015 China had become the\u00a0third largest<\/a>\u00a0foreign investor in the world. \u00a0Its outbound FDI began to exceed inbound FDI and the country became a net creditor.\u00a0 What happens when this Chinese outward FDI touches down in the former Third World?<\/p>\n

Displacement and Extraction Become \u201cSouth-South Cooperation\u201d<\/strong><\/p>\n

The indigenous communities of the Peruvian highland province of Apur\u00edmac have waged\u00a0bloody struggles<\/a>\u00a0in recent years against the Chinese owned and operated Las Bambas open-pit copper mine, one of the largest in the world, that have left scores dead and injured.\u00a0 In fact, the Peruvian state legally sells policing services to mining companies, enabling China\u2019s MMG to purchase physical force from the police to advance copper extraction by violent means.\u00a0 While this Sino-Peruvian extractive space and others like it are touted by the \u201canti-imperialists\u201d as a model of South-South cooperation and post-Western modernization, keen observers will recognize at once the classical structure of imperialist extraction, whereby transnational capital displaces communities and appropriates resources under the political and military protection of local states tasked with the violent repression of resistance to expulsion and exploitation.<\/p>\n

The pattern is the same throughout Latin America.\u00a0 Chinese banks have given out more than $137 billion in loans to finance infrastructure, energy, and mining projects.\u00a0 One by a coalition of environmental and human rights groups looked at 26 projects in Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Mexico, Peru and Venezuela.\u00a0 It found widespread violations of human rights, the displacement of local communities, environmental devastation, and violent conflict wherever Chinese investment in mines and megaprojects took place.\u00a0 Defenders of loan practices by China claim that these loans are different from those coming from the West because they do not impose conditionality in the way that Western lenders do.\u00a0 This is not\u00a0entirely true<\/a>. \u00a0But even if it were, what difference does that make for workers, peasants, and indigenous communities resisting the exploitation, repression, and environmental destruction associated with Chinese capital in collaboration with transnational investors from elsewhere and local capitalist states?<\/p>\n

The point is not that Chinese capital is worse or better than capital originating from other countries.\u00a0 Capital is capital irrespective of the national identity or ethnicity of its bearers.\u00a0 However, when a Western capitalist state and a capitalist state in the Global South cooperate to impose megaprojects on local communities or to facilitate transnational corporate plunder in extraction or industry this is condemned as exploitation by imperialism and local ruling classes.\u00a0 When two capitalist states from the Global South cooperate for the same megaprojects and corporate exploitation this is praised as progressive, anti-imperialist \u201cSouth-South cooperation\u201d and \u201cbringing development.\u201d<\/p>\n

Such outfits as the Tricontinental, headed by Vijay Prashad,\u00a0gush praise<\/a>\u00a0on this Chinese role in the former Third World as \u201cmutually beneficial,\u201d \u201chelping development,\u201d and a \u201cwin-win<\/a>\u201d for China and the countries its corporations invest in.\u00a0 Are we really to believe that Chinese investors are expanding export-processing zones and relocating labor-intensive industrial production from China to lower-wage zones in Ethiopia, Vietnam and elsewhere, not to make profit but to \u201chelp these countries develop\u201d?\u00a0 Is that not the same legitimating discourse as the World Bank? Parroting the legitimating discourse of the Chinese state-party elite, the\u00a0Tricontinental has also insisted<\/a>\u00a0that \u201cthe peaceful rise of socialism with Chinese characteristics\u201d provides an alternative to Western imperialism. Well, it does.\u00a0 But not an alternative to capitalist dispossession and exploitation.\u00a0 Capitalist development is not a class-neutral process.\u00a0 It is by definition a class project of the bourgeoisie.\u00a0 Capitalist development, whether from the West or the East, is about expanding the frontiers of accumulation.<\/p>\n

The Misuse of Sovereignty and Solidarity<\/strong><\/p>\n

The \u201canti-imperialist\u201d left rightfully decries Western propaganda but but seems incapable of calling out or even recognizing non-Western propaganda around the world, or worse yet, they parrot that same propaganda.\u00a0 Nicaragua provides a\u00a0textbook case<\/a>.\u00a0 The Ortega regime has proved adroit at using radical-sounding language and anti-imperialist rhetoric to strike a reflexive chord of support among the international left.\u00a0 Ortega returned to power in 2007 through a pact with the country\u2019s traditional right-wing oligarchy, the former members of the armed counterrevolution, and the conservative Catholic Church hierarchy and Evangelical sects.\u00a0 Promising absolute respect for private property and unrestricted freedom for capital, he proceeded to co-govern until 2018 with the capitalist class, granting transnational capital 10-year across the board tax holidays, deregulation, unrestricted freedom to repatriate profits, and repression of striking workers.\u00a0 Ninety-six percent of the country\u2019s property remains in the hands of the private sector.\u00a0 The dictatorship has repressed all dissent and shut down over 3,500 civil society organizations since 2018 \u2013 this in a country of barely six million people \u2013 because it considers\u00a0any<\/em>\u00a0civic life outside of its own to be a threat.<\/p>\n

Many progressives may be genuinely confused because of the well-deserved support that the 1979-1990 Sandinista revolution marshalled around the world and the history of brutal U.S. intervention against the country.\u00a0 That revolution died in 1990 and what came to power in 2007 under Ortega was anything but revolution.\u00a0 Yet the \u201canti-imperialist\u201d left has chosen to warmly embrace the dictatorship, justified because of alleged U.S. attempts to destabilize the regime and in the name of \u201csovereignty.\u201d But the evidence does not support the claim made by these detractors that the United States is pushing \u201ccounterrevolutionary regime change\u201d against Ortega, notwithstanding Washington\u2019s saber-rattling rhetoric.\u00a0 Nicaragua does not face trade or investment sanctions. \u00a0The United States is the country\u2019s principal trading partner \u2013\u00a0bilateral trade<\/a>\u00a0surpassed $8.3 billion in 2022 \u2013 and transnational corporate investment continues to pour in, as does multilateral lending to the Central Bank. \u00a0There is no U.S. military or paramilitary intervention.\u00a0 Yet none of these facts have stopped the U.S.-based organization Code Pink, among others, from\u00a0claiming<\/a>\u00a0that Ortega\u2019s is a \u201csocialist government\u201d under pressure from \u201cdevastating sanctions\u201d and facing \u201cviolent attempted coups.\u201d<\/p>\n

Washington does wage full-blown destabilization campaigns, not against Ortega, but against Iran, Venezuela, and other countries.\u00a0 Such crimes must be vehemently condemned by any leftist worthy of the name. \u00a0But this does not absolve the left of commitment to internationalism and solidarity with those oppressed just because we resist U.S. imperial pretensions around the world.\u00a0 The \u201canti-imperialist\u201d left, however, will tell you otherwise.\u00a0 Heed the warning by\u00a0journalist Caitlin Johnstone<\/a>:\u00a0 if you live in a Western country \u201cit is simply is not possible for you to lend your voice to the cause of protesters in empire-targeted nations without facilitating the empire\u2019s propaganda campaigns about those protests.\u00a0 You either have a responsible relationship with this reality or an irresponsible one.\u201d\u00a0 Simple as that. \u00a0Proletarians of just some countries unite!<\/p>\n

The \u201canti-imperialists\u201d have reverted to a conception of sovereignty,\u00a0not\u00a0<\/em>of the people or the working classes, but of the rulers in countries that they defend.\u00a0 Anti-colonial and anti-imperialist struggles in the twentieth century defended\u00a0national<\/em>\u00a0\u2013\u00a0not state<\/em>\u00a0\u2013 sovereignty in the face of interference by the imperial powers.\u00a0 Capitalist states use this claim to sovereignty as a \u201cright\u201d to exploit and oppress inside national borders free from outside interference.\u00a0 We on the left have no qualms about \u201cviolating national sovereignty\u201d to condemn human rights abuses by pro-Western regimes, and nor should we in defense of human rights in those regimes not favored by Washington.<\/p>\n

Proletarian internationalism calls on the working and oppressed classes of one country to extend solidarity not to states but to the struggles of the working and oppressed classes of other countries.\u00a0 States deserve the left\u2019s support to the extent\u2014and only to the extent \u2013 that they advance the emancipatory struggles of the popular and working classes, that they advance, or are forced to advance, policies that favour these classes.\u00a0 The \u201canti-imperialists\u201d conflate state with nation, country, and people, generally lacking any theoretical conception of these categories and advancing populist over class political orientation.\u00a0 We on the left condemned the U.S. invasion and occupation of Iraq earlier this century.\u00a0 We did so not because we supported the Saddam Hussein regime \u2013 only a fool could have \u2013 but because we stood in solidarity with the Iraqi people and because the whole imperial project for the Middle East was tantamount to an attack on the poor and the oppressed everywhere.<\/p>\n

BRICS: Replacing the Capital-Labour Contradiction with a North-South Contradiction<\/strong><\/p>\n

The \u201canti-imperialists\u201d\u00a0cheer on the BRICS<\/a>\u00a0as a Southern challenge to global capitalism, a progressive, even anti-imperialist option for humanity.\u00a0 They can only make such a claim by reducing capitalism and imperialism to Western supremacy in the international system. \u00a0In the heyday of colonialism and its immediate aftermath local ruling classes were, at best, anti-imperialist but not anti-capitalist.\u00a0 Their nationalism obliterated class by proclaiming an identity of interests among the citizens of a particular country.\u00a0 This nationalism had a progressive and sometimes even radical edge to it so far as all members of the country in question were oppressed by colonial domination, the caste systems it imposed, and the suppression of indigenous capital.\u00a0 Today\u2019s \u201canti-imperialists\u201d wax enthusiasm for the BRICS as a revived \u201cThird World project,\u201d in the words of Prashad, an antiquated nostalgia for that anti-colonial moment of the mid-twentieth century that obscures internal class contradictions along with the web of transnational class relations into which they are enmeshed.\u00a0 Two references will suffice to illustrate just how out of touch such thinking is with the twenty-first century reality.<\/p>\n

Several years ago I had the opportunity to give a talk in Manila to a group of Philippine revolutionary activists.\u00a0 One woman in attendance, originally from India, objected to my analysis of the rise of a transnational capitalist class that incorporated powerful contingents from the former Third World.\u00a0 She told me that in India \u201cwe are fighting against imperialism and for national liberation.\u201d\u00a0 I asked her what she meant by this.\u00a0 Core capitalists were exploiting Indian workers and transferring the surplus back to the imperialist countries along the lines that Lenin analyzed, she replied.\u00a0 It was by sheer coincidence that in the very week of my talk, the Indian-based global corporate conglomerate, Tata Group, which operates in over 100 countries in six continents, had acquired a string of corporate icons of its former British colonial master, among them, Land Rover, Jaguar, Tetley Tea, British Steel, and Tesco supermarkets, making Tata the single largest employer\u00a0inside<\/em>\u00a0the United Kingdom.\u00a0 So, India-based capitalists had become the largest single exploiter of British workers.\u00a0 According to this woman\u2019s own outdated logic, the United Kingdom was now the victim of Indian imperialism!<\/p>\n

Shortly after his first inauguration, in 2003, and then again in 2010 during his second presidential term, Brazilian President Lula loaded up a government aircraft with Brazilian corporate executives and headed for Africa.\u00a0 The presidential-corporate entourage lobbied Mozambique and other African countries to open up to investment in the continent\u2019s abundant mineral resources by the Brazilian-based transnational mining corporation, Vale, which also operates on all six continents, under the rhetoric of \u201cSouth-South solidarity.\u201d \u00a0It is unclear what was anti-imperialist, much less anti-capitalist, about Lula\u2019s African corporate safaris, and by extension the \u201cSouth-South cooperation\u201d agenda it epitomizes, or why the left should be applauding the expansion of Brazilian-based capital into Africa, Chinese-based capital into Latin America, Russian-based capital into Central Asia, or Indian-based capital into the United Kingdom.<\/p>\n

We may support the (mildly) redistributive policies at home and dynamic foreign policy abroad of governments such as Lula\u2019s.\u00a0 All capitalist states are not the same and it matters a great deal who is in the government.\u00a0 But a \u201cprogressive\u201d government is not a socialist and not necessarily an anti-imperialist government.\u00a0 For the myopic, the outward expansion of Chinese, Indian, or Brazilian-based capital is seen as some sort of liberation from imperialism.\u00a0 What is one to make of the\u00a0bizarre claim<\/a>\u00a0by the Canadian-based Geopolitical Economy Research Group and the International Manifesto Group that it sponsors, for whom ideological commitment trumps facts, that the BRICS are \u201camong the better-known successes\u201d in efforts to promote \u201cautonomous and egalitarian national development and industrialization to break imperialist shackles\u201d?<\/p>\n

If the BRICS do not represent an alternative to global capitalism and the domination of transnational capital, they\u00a0do<\/em>\u00a0signal the shift towards a more multipolar and balanced\u00a0inter-state<\/em>\u00a0system\u00a0within<\/em>\u00a0the global capitalist order.\u00a0 But such a multipolar inter-state system remains part of a brutal, exploitative, global capitalist world in which the BRICS capitalists and states are as much committed to control and exploitation of the global working and popular classes as are their Northern counterparts.\u00a0 As the BRICS membership expands, new candidates in 2023 to join the bloc include such magnificently \u201cautonomous and egalitarian\u201d states fighting \u201cimperialist shackles\u201d as Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Bahrain, Afghanistan, Nigeria, and Kazakhstan.<\/p>\n

Multipolarity: The New Albatross<\/strong><\/p>\n

The 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine and the West\u2019s radical political, military and economic response to it may signal the\u00a0coup de grace<\/em>\u00a0of a decadent post-WWII inter-state order.\u00a0 An ever-more integrated global capitalism is inconsistent with a U.S.- and Western controlled international political order and financial architecture and with an exclusively dollar-denominated global economy.\u00a0 We are at the onset of a radical reconfiguration of global geopolitical alignments to the drumbeat of escalating economic turbulence and political chaos.\u00a0 Yet the crisis of hegemony in the international order takes place within this single, integrated global economy.\u00a0 The emerging global capitalist pluralism may offer greater maneuvering room for popular struggles around the world but a politically multipolar world does not mean that emerging poles of global capitalism are any less exploitative or oppressive than the established centers.<\/p>\n

To the contrary, the established West and the emerging centers in this polycentric world are converging around remarkably similar \u201cGreat Power\u201d tropes, especially jingoistic \u2013 often ethnic \u2013 nationalism and nostalgia for a mythologized \u201cglorious civilization\u201d that must now be recovered.\u00a0 The Spenglerian narratives differs from one country to another according to particular histories and cultures.\u00a0 In China hyper-nationalism combines with Confucian obedience to authority, Han ethnic supremacy and a new Long March to recover great power status.\u00a0 For Putin it is the glory days of a \u201cGreat Russian\u201d empire anchored in Eurasia, politically propped up by extreme patriarchal conservatism that\u00a0Putin calls<\/a>\u00a0\u201ctraditional spiritual and moral values\u201d embodying the \u201cspiritual essence of the Russian nation over the decaying West.\u201d \u00a0In the U.S. it is the hyper-imperial bravado of a waning Pax Americana legitimated by the doctrine of \u201cU.S. exceptionalism\u201d and the bombast of \u201cdemocracy and freedom,\u201d at whose fringe has always been white supremacy, now incarnated in a rising fascist movement as \u201creplacement theory.\u201d\u00a0 To these we could add pan-Turkism, Hindu nationalism, and other such quasi-fascist ideologies in this rising polycentric world.\u00a0 Make America Great Again!\u00a0 Make China Great Again!\u00a0 Make Russia Great Again!<\/p>\n

The U.S. may be the top dog and the most dangerous criminal among competing cartels of criminal states.\u00a0 We must condemn Washington for instigating a New Cold War and for prodding Russia through aggressive NATO expansion into invading Ukraine.\u00a0 Yet the \u201canti-imperialist\u201d left insists that there is one single enemy, the U.S. and its allies.\u00a0 This is a Manichean tale of \u201cthe West and the rest.\u201d Such a metaphysical Star Wars narrative about the virtuous fight against the singular Evil Empire ends up legitimating the Russian invasion of the Ukraine.\u00a0 And just as Star Wars, it becomes hard to distinguish the fantastical babble of a fantasy world from the babble of the \u201canti-imperialist\u201d left.<\/p>\n

9.8.23<\/strong><\/p>\n

_____________<\/p>\n

also see:<\/p>\n

From Ukraine to Palestine: the poisons of denialism \u2013 David Finkel, Against the Current<\/a><\/p>\n

Arunadhati Roy on things that cannot be said: The dismantling of the world as we know it \u2013 thewire<\/a><\/p>\n

Why has Putin invaded Ukraine? Part 1 \u2013 Allan Armstrong, intfrobel publishing<\/a><\/p>\n

On the frontier of whiteness \u2013 Expropriation, war and social reproduction in Ukraine -Olena Lyubhchenko \u2013 LeftEast<\/a><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

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