{"id":15667,"date":"2021-02-06T18:33:03","date_gmt":"2021-02-06T18:33:03","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/republicancommunist.org\/blog\/?p=15667"},"modified":"2021-05-17T09:50:21","modified_gmt":"2021-05-17T09:50:21","slug":"freedom-come-all-ye-resisting-the-ric-terminators","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"http:\/\/republicancommunist.org\/blog\/2021\/02\/06\/freedom-come-all-ye-resisting-the-ric-terminators\/","title":{"rendered":"Freedom Come All Ye – Resisting the RIC Terminators"},"content":{"rendered":"

On 3rd February 2021, bella caledonia<\/cite> published an article by Allan Armstrong, Freedom Come All Ye<\/cite>. This included an analysis of the politics behind the attempt by the Terminators to shut down RIC nationally. Since then, a provisional ‘Yes Alba’ has also morphed into ‘Now Scotland’. Allan’s original article has been updated to take in these latest events.<\/h2>\n

Freedom Come All Ye<\/cite> at bella caledonia<\/a><\/p>\n

\"\"<\/p>\n

From \u2018Shy Imperial Bombast\u2019 to the full panoply of the UK state’s Crown Powers<\/h3>\n

Mike Small\u2019s article Shy Imperial Bombast<\/cite? (31st January 2021) continues his very welcome chronicle of UK unionist and imperial decline.\u00a0This was highlighted by \u2018IndyRef1\u2019 in 2014.\u00a0Originally backed by the Tories, Lib-Dems and New Labour alike, to marginalise the SNP, then led by the cocky Alex Salmond, all their \u2018victory\u2019 did was mainstream Scottish independence as a major political issue in the UK.<\/cite><\/p>\n

<\/p>\n

This was followed by the 2016 Brexit vote to \u2018bring back control\u2019 to the highly centralised and anti-democratic UK state.\u00a0In the process, the \u2018federalism\u2019 and \u2018parity of esteem\u2019 promised to the three nations and one province of the UK state in 2014, have been quickly abandoned. Scotland, Northern Ireland and Welsh-speaking Wales voted to Remain in the EU. Therefore, Brexit can only be imposed by rolling back the limited democratic concessions that have been place since the post-1998 \u2018Devolution-all-round\u2019 settlement.<\/p>\n

Mike joins many people in Scotland in their sheer incredulity over Johnson\u2019s visit to Scotland on January 28th<\/sup>. Johnson thinks he can persuade us of the benefits of the Union and Brexit! We are already European leaders – in Covid-19 death rates!\u00a0However, this visit wasn\u2019t just typical individualist Johnson bombast.\u00a0This was shown by Sir Keir Starmer\u2019s and Jackie Baillie\u2019s support for Johnson\u2019s visit.\u00a0Starmer has belatedly realised that the majority of the British ruling class now supports Brexit. The Bank of England governor, Mark Carney\u2019s backing for Johnson\u2019s Brexit deal prior to the 2019 Westminster general election should have alerted Starmer to this already. However, Starmer\u2019s no. 1 priority at the time was to extinguish the threat represented by then British Labour leader, Jeremy Corbyn.\u00a0As opinion poll ratings for the Tories climbed steadily in England and Wales, British employers were licking their lips at the prospect of rolling back existing worker, consumer and environmental regulations.<\/p>\n

Now that Starmer can see the majority of the British ruling class wants Brexit, he has quickly fallen into line.\u00a0British Labour is to return to its Blairite strategy of providing \u2018fire and theft\u2019 insurance for the ruling class.\u00a0Hence Johnson\u2019s and Baillie\u2019s socially-distanced \u2018Better Together\u2019 appeal last week to uphold the Union. However, trying to out-unionist the Tories on these political grounds only highlights the Scottish Labour \u2018branch office\u2019 disconnect from any reality in Scotland.<\/p>\n

Too much focus on Johnson\u2019s apparent bumbling ineptitude disguises the real source of his power. We don\u2019t live in a democracy, where sovereignty lies with the people, or even with Westminster, but with the Crown-in-Westminster. The Crown has very little to do with monarchy (obscenely privileged though it is), but with a formidable range of anti-democratic Crown Powers, which it fronts.\u00a0This includes emergency rule by the Privy Council without the necessity for any unsavoury coup. Johnson might have slightly overstepped the mark, with his attempt to prorogue Westminster in his August 2018 \u2018coup\u2019, but he only received the mildest rap over the knuckles He had to give \u2018Elizabrit\u2019 an apology.\u00a0The awe in which constitutional politicians hold the Privy Council was shown by Jeremy Corbyn, whilst still Labour leader, and by Nicola Sturgeon continuing to accept that the business the ruling class chooses to divulge to them remains a secret.\u00a0This knowledge is not be shared with their parties, Westminster or Holyrood, and certainly not with the people.<\/p>\n

The looming May 2021 Holyrood election and politics on the streets<\/h3>\n

Thus, even if the very timid SNP government wins this May\u2019s Holyrood election, as seems likely, and proceeds with a consultative ballot on independence, \u2018IndyRef2\u2019, this is far from the end of the game for the British ruling class. We have already witnessed how another unionist government in Spain (using the semi-Francoist constitution and state apparatus, rather than any Crown Powers) has dealt with such a referendum in Catalunya. And anyone who argues that British ruling class wouldn\u2019t resort to such methods is ignoring their record in Ireland.\u00a0In the 1960s, the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Movement began by calling for Catholics to have the same civil rights that existed elsewhere in the UK and not be discriminated against.\u00a0Her majesty\u2019s 1st Battalion of Parachutists\u2019 killing spree in Ballymurphy in 1970 and \u2018Bloody Sunday\u2019 in Derry on 30.1.71, led to more than thirty years of repression. Bernadette McAliskey has termed the shocked response in the growing Irish nationalist\u00a0\u2018communities of resistance\u2019 as \u201crepublicanism for slow learners\u201d.<\/p>\n

But such a resort to violence is not likely to be the immediate response of Johnson\u2019s government and the UK state in Scotland, in the event of a majority SNP majority government in May.\u00a0The SNP leadership fully accepts the sovereignty of the Crown-in-Westminster, and its devolved Holyrood offspring. \u00a0Their acceptance provides the UK state with a whole range of other political possibilities. These could include more meaningless \u2018vows\u2019 about future \u2018federalism\u2019\u00a0– a constitutional impossibility, when sovereignty lies with the\u00a0Crown-in-Westminster.\u00a0A time wasting Royal Commission is another possibility. Or an independence referendum may actually be held, but on UK government terms with abstentions counted as \u2018Nos\u2019, or a two thirds majority threshold.\u00a0There could also be a rigged franchise, such as that in the 2016 Brexit referendum, with an electoral roll based on British ethnic criteria to undermine the civic national basis and opening up to 16-18 year old voters, which underpinned \u2018IndyRef1\u2019 in 2014.<\/p>\n

\"\"
Labour Glasgow City Council sponsored OrangeFest, George Square 2015<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

The British Labour Party has form in all of these derailing activities. This underscores their central \u2018fire and theft\u2019 insurance role for the British ruling class. But if necessary, Labour can dredge even lower. This was shown by Gordon Brown\u2019s right populist resort to \u201cBritish Jobs for British workers\u201d borrowed from the neo-fascist BNP and the earlier National Front; or by Labour controlled Glasgow City Council\u2019s overtures to the Orange Order and sponsorship of the OrangeFest in 2015.<\/p>\n

Politics in Scotland are now coming to a new watershed.\u00a0This has been the background to a number of key events which have been held here over the last few months. However, first there is a non-event \u2013 no SNP conference to discuss Plan B, in the face of Johnson\u2019s Tory government refusing to sanction a `Section 30\u2019 order. Clearly the SNP leadership has gone out of its way to suppress any voices suggesting that the party may need a back-up option.\u00a0This has led to high tension and acrimony within SNP ranks. Indeed, the SNP has become the focus of a potential political \u2018bloodbath\u2019.<\/p>\n

This has been highlighted by Alex Salmond\u2019s successful challenge to her majesty\u2019s Advocate over what appears to have been an SNP leadership attempt to pervert the course of justice.\u00a0This has been followed by Salmond\u2019s stepped-up challenge to the SNP inner coterie and its backers. But \u201csex pest\u201d (his defence lawyer\u2019s phrase) Salmond has no extra-constitutional strategy to challenge the UK state.<\/p>\n

The second very public indication of a deep divide has been Nicola Sturgeon\u2019s sacking of Joanna Cherry on February 1st<\/sup>.\u00a0This has been described as a \u201ccivil war\u201d in the SNP.\u00a0Cherry, an ambitious careerist, has attempted to cultivate a more fundamentalist section of the party base with its unresolved prejudices.\u00a0But she is even less likely than Salmond to challenge the UK state or break from the SNP.<\/p>\n

Beyond this particularly torrid zone of Scottish politics lie the Scottish Independistas, who initially organised as \u2018All Under One Banner\u2019 (AUOB); and the Left wing of the movement for Scottish self-determination, the Radical Independence Campaign (RIC).\u00a0Both have held recent well attended online conferences, indicating the intensified interest in Scottish politics, as the wider political situation opens up.<\/p>\n

This contrasts with England, where there has also been a series of online conferences. These have tried to account for the collapse of Labour Left project there on December 12th<\/sup>, 2019. The follow-up Corbynite candidate for Labour leader, Rebecca Long-Bailey, began by saying that, if she ever became the UK prime minister, she was quite prepared to press the nuclear button! With this inauspicious start, the Labour Left\u2019s prolonged post-December 12th<\/sup> autopsy has neither been able to give their failed project a decent burial, or to find the seeds of any meaningful renewal. They are so focussed on England (or often just London) they remain largely unaware that the main challenge to Johnson comes from the rising movements for national self-determination in Scotland, Ireland and Wales. Whilst Right unionists see the UK state as a vehicle for maintaining their class privileges, the Left unionists see the UK state as the necessary framework for their reforms.\u00a0Any national self-determination movements which challenge this are seen as a threat.<\/p>\n

So, unlike the Left in England (with a few Left unionist hangers on in Scotland, Wales and even Northern Ireland), the Independistas\u2019 and Scottish Left\u2019s\u00a0continuing engagement in wider Scottish politics represents something real and is a vital debate.<\/p>\n

From \u2018All Under One Banner to \u2018Now Scotland\u2019 and the Catalan connection?<\/h3>\n
\"\"
Demonstration in Barcelona organised by ANC in support of the Catalan Republic<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

George Kerevan, a recent SNP MP and now a party dissident, has been the leading light behind the new \u2018Now Scotland\u2019. This represents an attempt to politicise \u2018All Under One Banner\u2019 (AUOB) originally initiated by the Independistas.\u00a0This means going beyond AUOB\u2019s organisation of very impressive demonstrations to challenging an SNP leadership, increasingly bereft of ideas, for the leadership of the Scottish independence movement.\u00a0George is quite rightly concerned that any future referendum campaign should not be managed in the same manner as the SNP leadership controlled \u2018Yes Scotland\u2019 between 2012-14.\u00a0Instead, he looks to the model of the non-party Assemblea Nacional Catalana (ANC), which organised the massive demonstrations in support of a new Catalan Republic, before the 27th October 2017 referendum. Unlike the ANC, which undertook this role in the run-up to the Catalan referendum, AUOB only began doing this after \u2018IndyRef1\u2019 in 2016.\u00a0However, there is now greater political convergence, with the shared understanding that any national self-determination challenges to either the Spanish or UK state need to be organised under a non-party controlled broad umbrella organisation. There is much merit in this.<\/p>\n

The lead in to the \u2018Now Scotland\u2019 launch was organised at two online meetings, held on 14.11.20 and 22.1.20.\u00a0I attended both.\u00a0They were very impressive, both in their use of advanced electronic platforms and skilled chairing. The organisers had been inspired by \u2018Yes Cymru\u2019 with its 15,000 individual members.\u00a0There was discussion over whether the new organisation should be an umbrella organisation for existing campaigning groups or an individual membership body.\u00a0This seems to have been resolved in favour of individual members.<\/p>\n

\"\"
Edinburgh protest in support of Carla Ponsati<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

But, there is another issue which was not addressed at these meetings. We know that the unofficial Catalan referendum in 2017 wasn\u2019t recognised by the Spanish state. Its organisers faced police repression and the jailing or exile of leading members.\u00a0Scotland\u00a0has seen several demonstrations in support of exiled Catalan minister, Carla Ponsati. That \u2018internationalism from below\u2019 solidarity is real.<\/p>\n

However, the organisers of the Catalan Republic referendum were not ready for the Spanish state response. The subsequent protests have been impressive, including the Catalan general strike on 18.10.19.\u00a0Republicanism, or the recognition of the sovereignty of the people, has been a continued feature of the Catalan movement for self-determination, ever since the Spanish Civil War.\u00a0But this is not the case in Scotland, where politically organised Scottish republicanism was a marginal feature of Scottish politics, from the death of John Maclean in November 1923 until the impressive Scottish Socialist Party organised Calton Hill Declaration and demonstration on 9.10.04.\u00a0However only a month later this potential was torpedoed by \u2018Tommygate\u2019!<\/p>\n

The Sovereignty of the People versus the Sovereignty of the Crown-in-Westminster and its devolved Holyrood offspring<\/h3>\n

Much of the Scottish Left, unlike that in England, is still prepared to consider itself republican. But their republicanism usually goes little further than being anti-monarchist or it being a nice idea sometime after initial \u2018independence\u2019 under the Crown.\u00a0Thus, looming right at the centre of the independence debate in Scotland has been the issue of where sovereignty lies. The SNP leadership believes it wields the sovereignty of the Scottish people through its control of Holyrood, an institution devolved under the sovereignty of the Crown-in-Westminster UK constitution.<\/p>\n

Had a \u2018Yes\u2019 vote been achieved on 18.9.14, the SNP government, having dissolved the official ‘Yes Scotland’ campaign, was going to invite leading Scottish Labour, Conservative and Lib-Dem politicians into its Scottish negotiating team to come to some deal with the Cameron-led UK government. Entering such negotiations with the SNP leadership\u2019s very mild \u2018Indy-Lite\u2019 proposals could only have meant significant further retreats to a neo-unionist \u2018Scottish Free State\u2019 under the Crown, especially since the unionists would have been represented on the independence negotiating side too!<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/p>\n

It was during the heightened political activity during \u2018IndyRef1\u2019, in May 2014, at the National Forum held in May 2014, of the Radical Independence Campaign (RIC), that the last of the three Scottish organisations, I address in this article, offered\u00a0an alternative path.\u00a0This was based on recognition that the sovereignty of the Scottish people was the basis for the formation of a new democratic state.\u00a0Whereas the SNP leadership would be desperately trying to close down all independent campaigning organisations, RIC would organise a conference inviting all the autonomous campaigning bodies, e.g. local \u2018Yes\u2019 groups, Women for Independence, Commonweal; supporting political organisations, e.g. local SNP\u00a0branches, Scottish Greens, SSP and Scottish Labour for Independence; trade unionists, e.g. Scottish Trade Unionists for Independence and local trade union branches; and media, e.g. \u2018The National\u2019 and bella caledonia\u00a0and cultural organisations, e.g. the\u00a0National Collective.\u00a0The purpose of this would be to hold nationwide assemblies to prepare for a Constituent Assembly to draw up a new constitution.<\/p>\n

The underlying politics of the RIC AGM<\/h3>\n

In some way, RIC\u2019s unfulfilled vision was hanging over its two stage conference, held on 17.1.21 and 31.1.20, which I also attended. This was partly obscured by very poor chairing at the first session and the woefully inadequate online voting at the second. Much of this has led to post-conference acrimony, so famous or infamous on the Left everywhere. Although as the SNP\u2019s \u2018civil war\u2019, Corbyn\u2019s and Starmer\u2019s Labour purges have shown, this is far from being an exclusive feature of the Left.<\/p>\n

Ostensibly, the RIC debate was between the RIC Terminators and the RIC Revivers.\u00a0However, the real, underlying issue, which the Terminators wanted to avoid, is the development of a political strategy and campaign, and a democratic organisation which meets the challenges of today. This means developing support based on the sovereignty of the people against the sovereignty of the Crown-in-Westminster.\u00a0Only this provides the meaningful democratic and ethical basis to challenge the British unionists and Scottish constitutional nationalists. Johnson and the UK state are stepping up the pressure and rolling back the very limited nod to national self-determination which has been in place under \u2018Devolution-all-round\u2019 since 1998.\u00a0It is this threat that will push many more people in Scotland (and not just Scots) into ‘republicanism for slow learners.’<\/p>\n

\"\"
Edinburgh RIC mass canvas in Muirhouse in 2014<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Many Revivers, including I should say myself, think that RIC\u2019s original \u20185 Principles\u2019\u00a0acted as a sort of old Labour \u2018Clause 4\u2019 sentimental tokenism, to justify a commitment to an SNP-led referendum campaign.\u00a0But even within this narrow constraint, RIC did some excellent work, particularly in voter registration and mobilisation.\u00a0This contributed to a \u2018democratic revolution\u2019 where 97% registered to vote, and 85% did so. This was something unprecedented in UK political history. Both wings of RIC can take pride in this.\u00a0Both wings can also take pride in their campaigning, not just throughout Scotland, but elsewhere in the UK and Europe, as well as RIC\u2019s international solidarity work for Catalunya, Palestine and Kurdistan.\u00a0Again, this represented \u2018internationalism from below\u2019 in action.<\/p>\n

Thus, for the Revivers, in order to address the current political situation, RIC\u2019s tokenistic 5\u00a0Principles, which offer no guide to\u00a0action, need to be replaced by a new 5 point strategy.\u00a0Such a strategy was first suggested by the RCN, one of RIC\u2019s officially affiliated organisations in August 2020 (http:\/\/republicancommunist.org\/blog\/2020\/08\/15\/the-case-for-a-republican-internationalist-coalition-for-scotlands-independence\/<\/a>).\u00a0This has been considerably revised and improved by others in the youthful Republican Socialist Platform formed in September 2020 and by local RIC groups and individual members.\u00a0The new proposals argue that RIC should promote :-<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

    \n
  1. A democratic, secular, socially just, environmentally sustainable, Scottish Republic<\/li>\n
  2. Action based on the sovereignty of the people not the UK Crown, leading to the setting up of a Constituent Assembly<\/li>\n
  3. Action to establish\u00a0universal health, care, education, housing, income, pensions, and trade union rights; and to win land reform and challenge environmental degradation<\/li>\n
  4. Equality and opposition to discrimination on grounds of sex, gender, sexuality, race, ethnicity, religion, disability or age<\/li>\n
  5. Solidarity with the struggles for workers\u2019 rights, democracy and self-determination, based on internationalism from below<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

     <\/p>\n

    \"\"
    Bernadette McAliskey at the RCN stall at the 2013 RIC Conference in Glasgow<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

    It was this debate which the RIC Terminators wanted to avoid being held under RIC auspices, despite the inflow of new young members and the revival of local RIC groups.\u00a0The Terminators were correct in saying there has been a political division in RIC between the Socialist and Social Republicans on one hand, and the Left Social Democrats and individualist Anarchists on the other. bella caledonia flagged this debate up as early as the first RIC conference in November 2012 (https:\/\/bellacaledonia.org.uk\/2012\/11\/20\/radical-indy-conference-10-genuine-self-determination-means-acting-like-republicans-now\/<\/a>).<\/p>\n

    On 19.1.19 bella caledonia also picked up on another underlying division between the majority of those who are now Terminators, and the majority of those who are now Revivers.\u00a0The first supported a mythical Left Brexit; the second could only see Brexit as pushing politics to the Right, strengthening the UK state and raising the hate filled political atmosphere, drawing on British imperialist and chauvinist nostalgia, targeted at migrants and asylum seekers. (https:\/\/bellacaledonia.org.uk\/2019\/02\/19\/from-project-hope-to-project-hate\/<\/a>).<\/p>\n

    On 24.10.19 bella caledonia also drew readers\u2019 attention to the forthcoming debate, as RIC began to revive. (https:\/\/bellacaledonia.org.uk\/2019\/10\/24\/republican-internationalism-from-below\/<\/a>).<\/p>\n

    There are many political organisations and campaigning bodies, e.g. trade unions and Scottish CND, which encompass much wider political differences than those in RIC and don\u2019t see the need to split.\u00a0The decision of the Terminators to close down national RIC will not lead to the demise of either wing. They both represent components in the vibrant wider movement for Scottish self-determination.\u00a0But there was only one specific proposal made by the Terminators in their contributions \u2013 a call for RIC material to be collected in a new archive.\u00a0But as David Coull of Angus & Mearns RIC said, soon after the AGM, \u201cA\u2019m nae deid yet. I refuse tae be pit in onybiddy\u2019s archive.\u201d<\/p>\n

    RIC Revivers may now have to build new national RIC organisation, a RIC21, if you like, although the new name will be decided by those involved.\u00a0In the process, I would argue that the meaning of RIC\u2019s initials should change from the politically ambiguous Radical Independence Campaign to a much clearer Republican Internationalist Coalition (for Scottish independence and the break-up of the UK state). And the biggest factor providing future support for such politically advanced politics will lie in the actions of the UK state, and the inability of the constitutional nationalist SNP to provide any effective challenge. From \u2018republicanism for slow Scottish learners\u2019 up to the great Scottish internationalist, Hamish Henderson\u2019s \u2018Freedom Come All Ye\u2019, may not be such a large leap.<\/p>\n

    \"\"
    RCN banner on Edinburgh May Day March<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

    4th February 2021
    \n__________
    \nalso see:-<\/p>\n

    WHAT IS THE CROWN AND WHAT IS REPUBLICANISM? – Johnnie Gallacher, Socialst Republican Platform<\/a><\/p>\n

    THE BRITISH LEFT AND THE UK STATE – Allan Armstrong, RCN<\/a><\/p>\n

    FROM GREY TO RED GRANITE – Viewing the Left, the Scottish Question and the Nature of the UK state through the Lens of Neil Davidson’s Political Work – Allan Armstrong (RCN)<\/a><\/p>\n

    2nd<\/sup> RADICAL INDEPENDENCE CONFERNCE \u2018AFTER THEUK: THE FUTURE OF 4 NATIONS \u2013 Bernadette McAliskey, Mary McGregor (RCN), Steve Freeman (RSA), Allan Armstrong (RCN)<\/a><\/p>\n

    RADICAL INDY CONFERENCE: GENUINE SELF-DETERMINATION MEANS ACTING LIKE REPUBLICANS NOW \u00a0– Allan Armstrong, RCN<\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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