Jan 23 2020


E&L is reposting this article first posted by Socialist Democracy (Ireland). This shows that the widespread belief in the absence of significant racism in Ireland is misplaced. Even in Ireland, which was long the subject of UK state and British racism, the post-2008 crisis and current  rise of the Right globally, has led to a resurgence of a racism.  Such warnings are also important  for other nations, particularly Scotland. Here the Scottish-British component of a wider British ruling class. was a very active participant in both colonialism and imperialism.This has  left  behind a deeper legacy, that the SNP government has left largely untouched, despite its attempts to break free from the UK and the British hard Right’s attempt to bring about Empire2.  





“People are scared to call this racism. I say, why not?” Lucky Khambule, Movement of Asylum Seekers in Ireland

The recent protests against plans for asylum centres in various rural locations, and the increasing use of racially charged rhetoric by political figures, should serve to puncture the complacency that has grown up around the issue of racism in Ireland.


Such complacency has been underpinned by a number of myths.  The first, often promoted by Sinn Fein and the various left groups, is that Ireland – unlike other European countries – has not seen the rise of right-wing populism.  Accompanying this is the claim that the absence of such a movement is largely down to the success of these same parties and groups in presenting a “left” alternative to people who could be pulled to the right.  This perspective has serious flaws.  While it is true that Ireland has not seen the emergence of a “new” right outside of the existing party system that doesn’t mean that politics of this type haven’t advanced.  What has been ignored is the ability of established political parties and state institutions to adapt to racism and anti-immigrant sentiment.  In most European countries insurgent right wing ring movements have been seen off by the traditional parties of conservatism taking on parts of their program.   We need only look to the transformation of the British Conservative party in response to Brexit as an example of this.

In Ireland a right populist movement never got the opportunity to establish itself because conservatives in the form of Fine Gael and Fianna Fail were always in the lead when it came to promoting racism.  We should not forget that the system of Direct Provision for asylum seekers was introduced as far back as 2000; or that the amendment to the constitution that abolished birthright citizenship was passed in 2004.  If there really was a strong left alternative these would never have passed or would have been reversed in the period between then and now.

The second myth surrounding racism in Ireland is that the Irish people are incapable of racism or have no right to be racist.  A recent example of such thinking was the statement made by former President Mary McAleese in which – after  praising the “really wonderful job” the state has done in integrating migrants – she acknowledges the continued existence of racism within Irish society.  As a counter to this she offers the familiar argument that Irish people – because of their historical experience of anti-Irish racism in places such as Britain and the US – “have no right to behave like that” towards migrants in Ireland today.  Another variation of this was the claim by  Archbishop of Dublin Dr Diarmuid Martin to be horrified at finding “traces of racism among believers” that conflict with the “heartfelt concern in the Christian heart” that should be aroused by the plight of refugees.

What the above claims have in common is that they place the blame for racism on individuals rather than the structure of society or the state.  They also propagate the idea of exceptionalism when it comes to the Irish and racism – that Irish people cannot or should not be racist because of thier own experience of discrimination.  However, such a proposition has no foundation in fact.  The historical record – as well as  surveys of current public opinion – demonstrate that the Irish are no less disposed to racism than any other nation.  Neither is the experience of oppression necessarily a counter to racism.  People who are oppressed can also hold bigoted views and when a previoulsy oppressed group becomes establsihed it can practice discrimination against others.  The case of the US – where a section of the so called “Irish American” community has become an important constituency for right wing politics – is a classic example of this.  The argument around Chritianity is even more ludicrous given the material and ideological support the churches historically provided for colonisation, slavery and discrimination.  It is also the case that in the relatively recent history of the Irish state religious organisations have been involved in abuses against women and children (Mother and baby homes, Magdalene Laundries etc) which have striking similarities the current treatment of asylum seekers.  Responses to racism based on religiosity or some idea of the unique character of the Irish nation are thoroughly dishonest and serve only to divert opposition to racism into moralising to individuals and away from challenging the role of state institutions.

Racism from below

Racism in Ireland takes various forms.  There is the “everyday racism” that presents itself in public attitudes and behaviour.  This includes verbal and sometimes physical abuse that ethnic minorities and migrants are subjected to day and daily.  It hits the headlines when directed against those with a public profile – such as the  mixed-race couple who received a death threat over their appearance in a Lidl supermarket advert –  but for the most part the victimisation of people within workplaces and communities goes unreported.

There is also the racism that takes on a more organised form.  This is what we have seen in the recent protests over the proposed siting of asylum centres in various locations across rural Ireland.  Opposition to the accommodation of asylum seekers first emerged last year in Carrickmacross, Co Monaghan and has been seen again this year in Ballinamore, Co Leitrim, and Borrisokane, Co Tipperary.  This escalated significantly in October and November with mobilisations of local people in Oughterard, Co Galway and Achill Island, County Mayo.  A public meeting in Oughterard which expressed almost unanimous opposition to plans for an asylum centre drew a crowd of 800.  Around 2,000 people from the town and the surrounding area took part in two protest marches.  There were also protests on Achill Island over plans to convert a disused hotel into emergency accommodation for asylum seekers.  Over this period there were numerous instances of threats and intimidation.  The most serious of these was an arson attack on the car and home of Leitrim-based Sinn Féin TD Martin Kenny following comments he made in the Dáil criticising the the protests.  In the face of such vehement opposition plans for the accommodation of asylum seekers in both Oughterard and Achill Island were withdrawn.

The protests against asylum centres has seen the intervention of opportunist politicians willing to play the race card.  Foremost amongst these has been the Co Galway TD Noel Grealish who attached himself to protests in Oughterard.  Addressing a mass meeting in the town he claimed that Africans were coming “to sponge off the system here in Ireland” and that the Syrian refugees likely to be accommodated the area would not be from what he called “good Christian families”.  Such rhetoric has also been heard from Michael Collins, an Independent TD for Cork South West, who has claimed that Irish people are “hungry in the street” and should be prioritised over immigrants, and that Ireland was in danger of losing its culture.  Verona Murphy, the Fine Gael the recent Wexford by-edition, claimed that child refugees from Syria could be under the influence of ISIS and had to be “deprogrammed”.  In last year’s presidential election Peter Casey garnered a quarter of the vote after making inflammatory remarks about Travellers.  As a candidate in this year’s European Parliament elections he went even further, saying that he made “no apologies” for declaring himself a racist.

Neither is the racist rhetoric confined to the issue of asylum seekers.  Very soon after his remarks in Oughterard Noel Grealish was using the platform of the Dail to make generalised attack on migration this time claiming that €3.54 billion was sent to Nigeria in the form of remittances over the last five years.  The figure was completely bogus (figures show that remittances of approximately €17 million a year going to Nigeria between 2010-17) but it does feed into narrative that migrants are extracting value from Ireland.  In the case of Noel Grealish such claims are utterly hypocritical given his role in milking the Dail expenses system and more broadly his support for the €70 billion Troika bailout and the associated austerity measures.  The focus on remittances is a useful distraction from the billions that have gone to the bondholders or are flowing through tax avoidance schemes.

Despite being shunned by party leaders the likes of Noel Grealish aren’t marginal in Irish politics.  He is among the group of TDs that are holding up the minority Fine Gael led government and which only recently saved the housing minister in a no confidence vote.  On the fundamental issues they and the Irish political elite are as one.  Even on the question of racism they are only separated by their rhetoric.  Bourgeois politicians will usually distance themselves from crude racism particularly if it threatens to get out of hand and lead to public disorder and damage to property.  Yet, at the same time, they are prepared to use racism as a means of social control and to make concessions towards it.  So in the case of the protests over asylum centres it was the government that conceded to racism.   It was the Taoiseach who muddied the waters over the protests by making the seemingly unconnected claim that people had a right to be concerned over “illegal immigration”.   Such rhetoric may be more subtle but is it any less racist?

Racism from above

Where popular racism and the official racism of the Irish state intersect and reinforce one another is around the issue of asylum centres.  (Currently there are more than 6,000 asylum seekers placed in 37 Direct Provision centres across Ireland, with around 1,400 in emergency accommodation such as hotels and B&Bs.)   While a lot of attention has been given to the racially motivated opposition to them this shouldn’t distract from the fact that these asylum centres – under the regime of Direct Provision – are themselves racist.  Indeed, they represent the most systematic and oppressive form of racism – one that has come into  existence by conscious design and is maintained through the power of state institutions (police, courts, civil service etc).

The current regime dates from the year 2000 when asylum seekers were removed from welfare and institutionalised under under the system that has become known as Direct Provision.  Within this system asylum seekers are provided with compulsory communal accommodation, three meals a day at strict times and a small monetary allowance.  (In October last year, the weekly allowance was increased from €21.60 to €38.80 for adults and from €21.60 to €29.80 for children.)   A key feature of Direct Provision –  alongside the low level of material support – is segregation.  This has involved the creation of dedicated accommodation centres located in old hotels, hostels and guest houses; on paved caravan sites; and in disused military barracks.  There has also been a policy of dispersal with centres being sited in rural locations.  Poor public transport links – and the residents  dependency on the centres for meals – mean they cannot leave for more than a few hours.

The regime of Direct Provision is designed to make life difficult for current asylum seekers and also act as a deterrent to further claimants.   Hardships  – often referred to as “push factors”in the parlance of officialdom – are consciously built into the system.   Tales of petty cruelties and bureaucratic injustices facing asylum seekers continually leak into the public domain.   In February of this year, a homelessness charity reported that it had been prevented from delivering toys left over from its Christmas drive to children living in direct provision.   There was also the case of a mother being refused a slice of bread for her sick child. The response of the government was to suggest the mother report the incident to the Ombudsman despite that fact that the Ombudsman has already declared direct provision “wholly unsuitable” for children.  In 2015 the McMahon report revealed that asylum seekers feel they live in prison-like conditions.  Since 2018, and the recourse to emergency accommodation (which lacks even the basic services available in Direct Provision) by the Department of Justice,  conditions for asylum seekers have deteriorated even further.

Another process at work is the deliberate isolating of asylum seekers from the rest of Irish society and the suppression of the natural bonds of sympathy and solidarity that should exist between  people.   While Direct Provision was supposed to accommodate people for no more than six months, some people have been there for years while children have grown up in these institutions.  Up until recently asylum seekers were forbidden to work and even now barriers to employment still remain.  Many children of asylum seekers continue to be denied a school place despite an EU directive to provide school places within three months of a claim for asylum.  Such policies have undoubtedly fuelled the hostility and suspicion that has found expression in recent protests.  In the face of all this Taoiseach Leo Varadkar continues to defend the use of Direct Provision, arguing that it is  “an imperfect system” rather than “an inhumane one”.

In common with every other element of government policy a financial racket has grown up around asylum.  In almost 20 years, the State has spent more than €1.3 billion on accommodation of asylum seekers, the vast majority going to private providers.  Between 2011 and 2017 commercial contract spending far outweighed State-owned accommodation spending every year.  In 2011, €58 million was spent on private provision compared to €8 million on State facilities.  Among these contracts were €89 million to the owners of the Mosney centre; €77.9 million to East Coast Catering; €50.3 million to Bridgestock; and €42.6 million to Millstreet Equestrian Services.   By late 2013, the overall sum paid to private operators had risen to almost €800 million.  This year, officials estimate the bill could exceed €120 million – which would be the first time annual expenditure breaches the €100 million mark. Emergency accommodation, only ever meant as a stop-gap measure, is now costing €500,000 a week.  These figures put the lie to the claim from Tánaiste Simon Coveney that there is no alternative to Direct Provision and that people calling for its end were “not living in the real world”.  The truth is that a system of asylum seeker accommodation based on public provision would be much less costly in comparison to one that, in the words of  Bulelani Mfaco from the Movement of Asylum Seekers in Ireland, has been “enriching corporations, hotels, and landlords at the expense of taxpayers and asylum seekers”.

In this the government’s policy on asylum accommodation completely at one with its general policy on housing.  So rather than a cause of rivalry or resentment this should actually provide the foundation for solidarity between Irish workers, migrants and asylum seekers.  The argument that needs to be made here is that the struggle to improve conditions for asylum seekers is part of the more general struggle to improve conditions for the working class.


To effectively oppose racism the left and the trade union movement must acknowledge that racism exists in Irish society and also make an accurate estimate of its scale.  To believe that Ireland is a hotbed of racism would be alarmist but the greater error is to hold the complacent view that racism is relegated to the margins.  The recent protests around asylum centres shows that a significant minority of the population can – under certain conditions – come under the influence of racist ideas.

One of the most alarming aspects of the protests was the failure of those on the left and within the trade union movement – who put present themselves as the leading opponents of racism – to recognise the sentiments that were driving them. There was a tendency to accept the unlikely explanation that people involved were motivated not by hostility towards asylum seekers but rather concerns over the poor condition of the proposed accommodation.  While it is not unusual for racism to have a liberal gloss the left should have enough experience to see through this and call it out for what it is.  The reluctance to do so points to a failure to acknowledge the scale of the problem of racism and – as an implication – the failure of the current approach in combating it.

In order to fight racism we have to recognise it and challenge it at both a community and institutional level.  This is particularly important within the labour movement and working class communities.  The arguments deployed should not be moralistic but material – that racism divides and weakens the working class and as a consequence weakens the struggle for socialism.  As a class it is the workers who have the most to gain from fighting against racism and most to lose from allowing it to fester.  The trade union leadership must also be challenged on its efforts to organise migrant workers and integrate them within the Irish labour movement.  Ideas that migrants are not part of the Irish working class or that conditions for Irish workers can be improved through forms of discrimination  – such as restricting the movement of labour – must be rejected.  No matter how they are dressed up such proposals are always recationary and only serve to bind workers to their employers and the state.  The cause of labour can only advance through workers organising independently and across the whole of the class.  Without the involvement of migrant communities – which are overwhelmingly working class in composition – there can be no advance for Irish labour.  Migrant workers possess the potential to inject a much needed dynamism into trade unionism in Ireland  in the same way Irish immigrants aided the development of mass trade unions in 19th century Britain.

The left and the trade union movement also need to go beyond narrow economic issues and challenge institutional racism.  One of the most obvious demands here must be for the end of the Direct Provision regime and for the right of refugees to participate fully in society.  Another demand in relation to migrants must be for the restoration of birthright citizenship.  A campaign around these would be unashamedly political in nature and strike at the pillars of Irish state racism.  It is also the case that the fight against racism – in whatever form it takes – would be greatly strengthened by a rise in the general level of class struggle. These struggles are completely bound up with one another.



This was first published at:- http://www.socialistdemocracy.org/RecentArticles/RecentProtestsAndPoliticalRhetoricPuncturesComplacencyOverRacism.html



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Jan 23 2020


E&L has been following the rise of Right national populism throughout the world. One of its distinctive features is to redefine nation-states on ethnic (cultural) grounds, with one ethnic group holding supremacy and ‘others’ targeted  for oppression and sometimes repression. On 2018  the Israeli Knesset  introduced a new Nation-State Act, which provides constitutional underpinning for what had long been, in practice, a Jewish  supremacist state. In 2019, the Indian government, led by the Hindu supremacist Narendra Modi, passed the  Citizenship Amendment Act, which targeted Muslims. These attempts to maintain states on an ethnic supremacist basis have the support of the Right populists across the globe, including the USA and UK.  Both New Labour, under Gordon Brown and the Tories under Michael Gove,  had tried to underpin British citizenship (read subjecthood) by selected cultural criteria. The current global ascendancy of of Right national populism will lead to attempts to further this process, following the election of Johnson’s Tories  and  the continuing  Brexit saga. We are reposting an interview by Thomas Crowley of Jacobin with Achin Vanaik, writer and social activist, about the impact of Modi’s attacks in India.


MODI MIGHT HAVE FINALLY GONE TOO FAR – Thomas Crowley interviews Achin Vanaik 



With the ongoing mass protests to Modi’s anti-Muslim Citizenship Amendment Act, India is at last seeing a real challenge to right-wing Hindu nationalism.


Over the past few weeks, protests have erupted across India, in perhaps the most extensive challenge to the Modi government since it came to power in 2014. The state has responded with brutal force, as dozens have now died in police violence aimed at protesters. The spark for the protests was the passage of the Citizenship Amendment Act, pushed through the Indian legislature by Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). The act introduces discriminatory religious qualifications into citizenship laws. Continue reading “MODI MIGHT HAVE FINALLY GONE TOO FAR”

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Dec 09 2019


In the lead-up to the December 12th general election Allan Armstrong updates  his analysis of the drift to the Right populist and reactionary unionist politics in the UK and what this possibly means for the future of the Union.

This is followed by an article by  statement from  the Radical Independence Campaign in Scotland on the general election.

Finally we are posting an article by  Tony Greenstein, expelled Labour Party member from Brighton. He predicted the unexpected rise in support for Jeremy Corbyn in 2017, but thinks that Labour’s chances have declined in the run up to the December general election.





(A fuller explanation of what is meant by Right national populism can be found in the article:- https://allanarmstrong831930095.files.wordpress.com/2019/12/right-national-populism-16.3.19.pdf

Neither the UK nor Great Britain have ever been unitary states. All forms of unionism are based upon the unionist nature of the UK state, which has recognised England, Scotland, Ireland (later Northern Ireland)  and Wales as constituent units. This has led to the adoption of various forms of hybrid Britishness.

Three key terms used in this article  are:-

Conservative unionism – This acknowledges the unionist nature of the UK state through administrative devolution (or later acceptance of liberal unionist devolutionary measures  which it once opposed, but have become part of the status quo)

Liberal unionism – This also accepts the unionist nature of the UK state but promotes political devolution as a better method of holding the state together

Reactionary unionism – This upholds the UK state and openly celebrates  its most repressive aspects. e.g. the crown powers, the armed forces and judiciary. It is also prepared to mobilise extra-constitutional force to prevent national self-determination, greater measures of political devolution, and reverse political devolution and even some administrative devolutionary measures that have already been accepted.) Continue reading “THE RISE OF NATIONAL POPULISM AND REACTIONARY UNIONISM IN THE RUN UP TO THE DECEMBER 12th GENERAL ELECTION”

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Nov 24 2019


Lorna Anderson has been on a recent visit to Palestine. In the first part of this article she reports on the growing realisation  amongst the Palestinian liberation movement that they can not effectively deal with the Israeli occupation without taking on the Palestinian Authority. In the second part she assesses the possibilities of the Palestinian liberation movement adopting a wider transformation strategy.



This article looks at the development of the struggle in Palestine, the nature of the Palestinian Authority and the importance of the political economy of Israel’s occupation for the future of the ‘popular resistance’ movement. It draws on my observations during a recent visit to Palestine. On October 31, Khalida Jarrar, a member of the suspended Palestinian Legislative Council (PLC) and supporter of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP), was arrested in Ramallah by Israeli troops. Her detention was extended by an Israeli court on November 3, although no reasons for her arrest have been given by the authorities. Like many other Palestinian activists, Jarrar is no stranger to Israel’s jails: she has been arrested twice since 2015 and was only released from prison in February after serving 20 months. At the time of writing her fate remains unclear – will she be accused of a specific offence or simply held without charge in administrative detention? Jarrar’s prominence as a political figure and women’s rights campaigner has drawn international attention to her case, but in many ways what has happened to her is quite typical of the treatment of the over 5,000 Palestinians currently held by the Israeli state. Continue reading “THE PROBLEMS FACING THE PALESTINIAN LIBERATION MOVEMEMT”

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Nov 04 2019


Many both on the Left and amongst the Irish and Scottish nationalists have welcomed the break between the Tories and the DUP, following Boris Johnson’s perceived cave in before the EU, over the border. They believe that the road to Iris reunification is now open. This article from Socialist Democracy (Ireland) argues from a much more cautionary stance.



– an Irish perspective


Boris addresses DUP conference during his now abandoned ‘No Surrender’ days.


Over the years of the  Brexit campaign the Tory leadership have been careful to avoid any explanation of the goals of the project. One element,  anti-migrant sentiment and racism, was already in progress following Theresa May’s former leadership of the Home office. For the rest, democracy was defined as never questioning the thin majority of the Brexit vote. For May, “Brexit means Brexit”. Johnston’s mantra was “get it done”. Now the proposals put forward by Boris Johnson are finally beginning to clarify the details of the class divisions on which the process is built. Continue reading “BREXIT MARK 2 – BORIS DISPELS THE FOG TO REVEAL CLASS WAR – an Irish perspective”

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Oct 27 2019


Below is the leaflet handed out by the Campaign for a European Republican Socialist Party at the Radical Independence Conference, attended by 500 in Glasgow, on Saturday, October 26th.



Our Radical Independence Campaign (RIC) must not think that IndyRef2 will be a repeat of the 2014 referendum, this time with victory. ‘Brexit’ has changed the dynamic. On one side, the Scottish people voted to remain and will be forced out of the EU against their will. On the other side, English nationalism has become a political force, galvanised through ‘Brexit’, to defend British sovereignty represented by the Crown-In-Parliament.

Once England, Scotland and Wales are outside the single market and customs union a major economic barrier is raised in the minds of voters. A new economic Hadrian’s Wall will frighten or be used to frighten Scottish voters against leaving the British Union. Even if this only affects five or ten percent of voters this  might still make a difference.

Catalonia and Greece have shown that the Scottish people should neither trust nor rely on the EU (i.e. Germany and France with or without the UK). The EU does not support national self determination which would undermine its alliance of states.

With the rise of English nationalism, the Scottish people will have to choose between and ethnic (anti-English) nationalism or civic republicanism. In 2014 the SNP stood on the ‘civic’ side but rejected republicanism or popular sovereignty by calling for Independence under the British Crown (and the Bank of England) with the Queen happily ensconced in Balmoral Castle visited by Alex Salmond.

RIC has to rise to the new situation and be more ‘up front’ and militant in its advocacy of Scotland’s republican democracy. It has to win the nationalist movement and the SNP to popular sovereignty as expressed through republicanism and national self determination. It cannot do this if its hides its democratic republican programme under a bush.

The Tories have signalled their intention to make the next election about the threat to British ‘democracy’ posed by Labour’s support for referenda on leaving the EU and IndyRef2. Labour is a loyal Unionist not a republican party. Although John McDonnell MP said he would accept a decision by the Scottish parliament for IndyRef2 this caused a storm and cannot be relied on.

In 2015 general election the Tories played an English nationalist card about the threat from the SNP which put Ed Miliband on the defensive and clinched Cameron’s victory. Expect the same again. Scotland’s republic cannot rely on the EU or Labour anymore. The experience of the Catalan republic is instructive.

Scotland’s future republic, as represented by RIC, must be built from the ground up in every village, town and city. It must openly advocate building links with republicans in England, Ireland and Wales and importantly the working class movement in England

Campaign for a European Republican Socialist Party


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Oct 22 2019


Allan Armstrong sent  this article to Conter, on September 13th, hoping  to open up one of the debates on the Left in relation to Scottish independence, before and during the Radical Independence Campaign conference in Glasgow on October 26th. There has been no acknowledgement of this article by the Conter editor, despite Allan being a member of RISE, Conter‘s main sponsor. This seems to reflect a unwillingness, highlighted at the founding of RISE, to discuss controversial  issues.

However, since then articles have appeared in Conter, or by RISE members writing for CommonSpace, which have been pro-Lexit. Allan’s article was written in an attempt to ensure that a fuller range of Left opinion was addressed on a specifically Socialist site claiming  to promote wider debate. This could then contribute to  the best traditions of RIC, where such controversial issues have been openly debated. A Left that is afraid to debate issues, in a democratic and respectful manner, is doomed to irrelevance.

Fortunately, both Socialist Resistance (http://socialistresistance.org/the-contradictions-underlying-brexit-and-scottish-independence/18211) and bella caledonia (https://bellacaledonia.org.uk/2019/10/24/republican-internationalism-from-below/) have now posted this article. 




To date articles in Conter addressing Brexit have concentrated more on the neo-liberal opposition, and those on the Left perceived to be tail-ending this section of the British ruling class. There has been no real analysis of the aims of the hard right and national populist advocates of Brexit, whether the Boris Johnson-led Tories, or the Nigel Farage-led UKIP and now his Brexit Party. Brexit  has not been adequately placed in the context of the global rise of right national populism, highlighted by Donald Trump’s ‘Brexit, plus, plus, plus’, US presidential electoral victory in November 2016.[1] These people are still seen by some on the Left as political outsiders, despite now having their hands  on the US state’s anti-democratic presidential powers and the UK state’s anti-democratic crown powers. Nor have the machinations of such ‘left’ Brexit union leaders as UNITE’s Len McCluskey been addressed.[2]


The RIC conference on 26.10.19

The Radical Independence Campaign (RIC) has formed an important arena for discussing such issues.[3] Indeed RIC’s Scottish internationalism is highlighted on its banner – ‘Another Scotland is Possible; Another Europe is Possible; Another World is Possible’. Hopefully, the October 26th RIC conference in Glasgow will extend this opportunity for discussion related to the situation we now face. Understanding the political forces, which the Left is up against, is essential, not only in the UK and wider world, but for us in Scotland, when we consider the future for Scottish independence. Continue reading “THE CONTRADICTIONS UNDERLYING BREXIT AND SCOTTISH INDEPENDENCE”

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Aug 30 2019

It’s the constitution stupid – After the Boris ‘coup’ let’s fUK it!

Allan Armstrong gives his response to the latest constitutional crisis hitting the UK state


It’s the constitution stupid – After the Boris ‘coup’ let’s fUK it!



  1. A constitutional and legal coup under Crown-in-Westminster sovereignty
  2. The UK’s growing constitutional crisis, the retreat of neo-liberalism and liberal unionism and the growth of right populism and reactionary unionism
  3. The continued rise of right national populism and the hard right in the UK
  4. The May 23rd Euro-elections – Farage’s right populist victory paves the way for the hard right take-over of the Tory Party
  5. The asymmetric polarisation of UK politics
  6. From Maybynism to Borisbynism? – Labour’s role in helping to move official politics to the right
  7. Neo-liberal attempts to turn back the right populist challenge over Brexit
  8. The right and centre Remainers take politics to the streets
  9. The Lexiters’ (and Irexiters’) economism and abstract propagandism
  10. The emergence of left Remainers, Another Europe Is Possible, and their turn to the streets
  11. Conclusions


  1. A constitutional and legal coup under Crown-in-Westminster sovereignty

The decision taken by Boris Johnson and his backers  to prorogue Westminster on the 28th August represents the culmination of a prolonged constitutional crisis, which began with the Scottish independence referendum between 2012-14, and has been accelerating in the aftermath of the Brexit vote in 2016. Today we have liberals (in all the mainstream British parties), and even some conservatives, bemoaning  the unconstitutional and illegal nature of the decision taken by the unelected prime minister, Johnson, along with privy councillor, Jacob Rees-Mogg (Tory MP representing the eighteenth century), and the unelected head of state, queen Elizabeth. However, the UK state, based on the sovereignty of the Crown in Westminster, with its armoury of anti-democratic Crown Powers, gives enormous power to the dominant section of the British ruling class. Proroguing parliament is both constitutional and legal. Continue reading “It’s the constitution stupid – After the Boris ‘coup’ let’s fUK it!”

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Jul 28 2019


Murdo Ritchie addresses the Left’s failing to understand republicanism. This is deeply rooted in the Left’s  acceptance of the UK state for as a vehicle for its various economic and political projects. Murdo’s article is an update of his earlier piece (http://republicancommunist.org/blog/2015/02/24/promoting-republicanism/)




The advocacy of socialist republicanism has very few current precedents in the United Kingdom.  While many organisations can make claims to republicanism, in most cases this has been rarely developed and has often seemed like it was added on as an extra to more immediately pressing concerns.  It should be no real surprise that an anti-political, economic reductionism (economism), or a separatism that sought an end to London rule, and many other perspectives have used the term emptying it of any real understanding or meaning.  Very often when UK subjects are asked to give a meaning to the idea of republicanism, they confuse it with Irish nationalism. Continue reading “PROMOTING REPUBLICANISM   “

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Mar 25 2019



Murdo Ritchie, who has been an advocate of Leave vote on this blog, continues with his review of The Left Case Against the EU by Costas Lapavistas


Costas Lapavistas


“You can vote for any government you like in Europe pretty much. But the policies that thegovernment will have to follow and apply with regard to the economy will be the same, if you’re inthe European Union.”1 Marxist monetary economist Costas Lapavitsas is scathing about the damagethe neoliberal order has brought across Europe. He is also angry that so many on the “left” have
allied themselves with these forces. He is especially angry about the Greek Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras of SYRIZA who he accuses of subverting the entire movement by turning a vote against austerity into policies to accept them. He is also scathing about Yanis Varoufakis who he believestook unnecessary risks during the negotiations with the European Central Bank and now promotes
an unworkable strategy regarding the European Union and the European Monetary Union. Continue reading “RESISTING THE LIBERAL ORDER”

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